Monday, March 3, 2014

Battle Of The Buttes: Warfare At Saddle Butte


Photo of Saddle Butte, near present-day Stanley, ND, by bobneugenbauer.
Battle Of The Buttes
Warfare At Saddle Butte

As told to Colonel A.B. Welch, edited by Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. - In the summer of 1860, a war party of six Dakȟóta warriors advanced into Kȟaŋğí (Crow) country for the purpose of obtaining satisfaction for the death of a relative of the leader of the band. Having been successful in their undertaking and provided with fresh horses, they left the Heȟáka Wakpá (Elk River; Yellowstone River) and cut across to the Makȟóšiča (Bad Lands) of the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá (River Of Elk; Little Missouri River) and the intention of striking the head of Ožáte Wakpá (Branching River; Knife River) and following its course to the villages of the Pȟaláni (Arikara), where they expected to trade for some corn from these Indians; then sell their otter skins which they had secured from the Kȟaŋğí, at Fort Berthold trading post at Fish Hook Ford, for powder and lead, and pass into the country of their relatives, the Iháŋktĥuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta (Yanktonai Dakota), on the east banks of the Mní Šošé (Water-Astir; Missouri River). But their plans miscarried and, with the souls of explorers, they had held to the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá and, in December, had struck the great Mní Šošé at a point a few miles north of the confluence of these two streams. They had purposely avoided the mouth of the stream for, at that day, it was a favorite camping place of the Miwátani (Mandan).


Map of the region from Fort Berthold to the Grand River Agency, 1873.

Three and a half miles north of the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá is a commanding elevation which, by its peculiar shape, has always been known as Pahá Čháŋwak’iŋ (Lit. Saddle Butte/s). A half mile south of that butte is another one which is very steep and difficult to ascend and the summit is a perfectly flat area of perhaps two acres. Across the Mní Šošé from these buttes, and nestling among the brushy trees along the banks of a small stream called Mnitáŋ Wakpá (Lit. Flood Creek/Rising Water Creek; possibly Deep Water Creek), was a temporary winter hunting camp of Miwátani, Ȟewáktokta (Hidatsa) and Pȟaláni, who had come up from their comfortable round dirt lodges at Fish Hook Village, to lay in a stock of meat and skins. A few friendly Hóhe (Assiniboine) were camping with them.


Like A Fishhook Village, as portrayed by Martin Bearsarm.

From the heights of the buttes on the western shore, the Dakȟóta scouts located the horses of their old-time enemies, and the band decided that they needed a few new horses to take home for the gift-giving dances which would take place upon their triumphant arrival at the thiyóšpaye (band) of their people along the Pȟaláni Wakpá (Arikara River; Grand River). Their plan was to cross the thin ice after dark and work the herd easily away, if the herd guards were not present. However, if an alarm were made, they would stampede the horses at once toward the east and keep them pounding straight in that direction until morning, when they would turn south and finally cross the Mní Šošé in the vicinity of the mouth of the Iŋyaŋ Wakağapi Wakpá (Lit. Stone Statue River; Cannonball River).


They reasoned that the villagers, not knowing the Dakȟóta strength, would hesitate to follow them during the night and, before their signs of approach could be made out in the morning, the herd would have such a start that they could not be overtaken. Not being able to cross their own mounts on the ice, it was decided that they would enter the camp and secure horses from among the lodges, where they would be tied or hobbled and held ready for the next day’s hunting.


Karl Bodmer painted this scene of Mandan Indians crossing a frozen Missouri River.

The weather turned very cold in the evening and the members of the little party shivered around their small fire behind the butte during the afternoon and waited for the night to come. The fact that they had but a few rounds of ammunition for their heavy Sharps rifles and Springfield carbines, did not cause them much concern, for they did not anticipate fighting unless they were discovered by some late stroller when they were among the lodges after riding horses, in which case they expected to take coup, grab horses and, riding into the herd, stampede them by the waving of blankets and firing. The dark would veil their movements. At any rate, they were brave men and had been against the Kȟaŋğí, who were greater warriors than these village corn-eaters, whom they held in much contempt. They had struck terror to the hearts of the Kȟaŋğí and they would succeed in this small affair against these people who lived in dirt houses and looked to tall pickets for protection rather than fighting.

When the low circling sun had settled below Makȟóšiča, darkness descended quickly and the six Dakȟóta crossed the ice without difficulty and approach the camp. But sharp eyes had noted their every movement as they boldly passed in among the scattered lodges. A woman or two walked among the shelters and sounds of a drum and dance songs came from one of the largest of them where the Miwátani were feasting. Several horses were standing in a group before a large buffalo tipi and towards these, the scouts advanced. But even as the audacious Thítȟuŋwaŋ [1] stopped to loosen the thongs by which the horses were attached to their picket pins, a wild yell and a shot was heard, and the lodges appeared to pour out armed men by the score.

Tȟašúŋke Kȟokípopi [2] (His Horses Cause Fear), who was the leader of the party, at once started firing into the mass of advancing villagers and yelled to his men to get the horses loose. But the knots were secure and, before they had time to slash the tough raw hide open, the crowd was upon them and they were compelled to retire or be overwhelmed. Shooting their way through the circle, they leapt into the tangled brush where pursuit was difficult and retraced their trail of approach where they reached the river bank without the loss of a single man.

Their only safety now lay in getting across the river ice and gaining the western shore, before the pursuit became too close, from which place they could prevent their enemies from crossing after them. A few rifle bullets slashed the ice as they safely made the crossing, but to their great surprise their pursuers made no attempt to follow. This puzzled the Dakȟóta and caused them some uneasiness as they huddled around the embers of their old camp fire. The attempt to steal the enemy’s horses had failed, so they decided to follow the Mní Šošé down to the entrance of the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá and then enter Makȟóšiča south of that stream, where game was plentiful and cover in the gorges was easily found and pursuit would be very difficult even if the enemy followed in force.

Theodore Roosevelt National Park in winter by Scott Thomas.

Meanwhile, a body of their enemies, consisting of about thirty Miwátani under the leadership of Red Star, a war chief, moved rapidly toward the south along the shores of the Mní Šošé for several miles and then crossed the ice to the western bank and, turning north, strung out along the banks of the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá where they maintained a close watch and waited for the day. Another band, made up of Pȟaláni under Sitting Wolf, also crossed the river and took up a position in the hills to the west of the Dakȟóta, and a strong force of Ȟewáktokta with Lean Bull at their head, and strengthened by a half-blood named Powder Horn (His French name was Packineau), with a mixed body of Hóhe and others from the camp, filtered across the ice during the night and stayed close under the banks until daylight came. The six Dakȟóta were completely surrounded.

Having recovered the horses which they had abandoned on the west shore, the Dakȟóta were led out of their uncomfortable camp before sun up by Tȟašúŋke Kȟokípopi, keeping some distance back from the river in the hills. Sensing danger at the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá, Kȟaŋğí Hó Wakȟáŋ [3] (Holy Voice Crow) was sent forward to scout out a safe place for the crossing and, as he cautiously approached, he was met by a flight of arrows from Red Star’s men, who crossed the river at once and started in pursuit of him. Signal yells were answered from all sides and Kȟaŋğí Hó Wakȟáŋ lost no time in rejoining his comrades. It became apparent to the Dakȟóta that they were in the middle of the circle of advancing warriors and that their chances of cutting through in safety to the rough country were small. They decided to make an effort to gain the butte behind which they had spent the night and there make their supreme effort. Owing to the cautious advance of the enemy, they did finally reach the foot of this steep-sided, flat-topped butte without any loss.

Keeping under cover of the piled-up masses of sandstone which had fallen from the outjutting [sic] strata which covered the summit, the Dakȟóta managed to kill several of their pursuers and finally reached a point directly under the projecting sandstone cap. To find a crack up which they night crawl to the summit, before the enemy could reach the top from the other side, became their problem and, in doing this, it became necessary to expose themselves to fire from below.

Another photo of Saddle Butte, near present-day Stanley, ND, by bobneugenbauer.

In so doing, Tȟašúŋke Kȟokípopi was shot dead and his body slid down until it was caught and held by some sprawling mountain cedar. White Horse, the Pȟaláni who had made the kill, sprang up the rocky steep to strike the body and complete the coup and was almost within reach of the dead man, when Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi [4] (Wounded With Arrows) jumped from behind a rock and, with his rifle touching the surprised and dumbfounded Pȟaláni, fired his last remaining shot.

The rush of the Dakȟóta to gain control of the summit had succeeded with the lost of but one man, and they yelled with derision at their enemies and dared them to come and take them. The northern Indians were seen to carry several bodies away during the day, and an effort was made in the afternoon to rush the Dakȟóta from all directions at once. But this was costly. The attackers were only too glad to retire before the heavy Sharps and Springfields of the men on the butte, and a number of me were carried across the ice to the village, but whether dead or wounded, the Dakȟóta could not tell from their position. The affair settled down to a siege; the Dakȟóta were out of rifle ammunition and had nothing left except their clubs and bows and a few arrows, then they began to feel the effects of hunger and thirst and cold. They saw meat brought from the village to the several camp fires of the men on guard and the distressed Dakȟóta were taunted by the tȟóka (enemy/enemies) below with songs of victory and yells of vengeance.

Late winter in the Badlands, along the Little Missouri River near Watford City, ND. Photo by Dennis Rosenkranz, USGS.

As the sun went down, the stinging cold of the night chilled the Dakȟóta upon the butte and the air became filled with fine snow, which was flung winds which swept the high place into the faces of the worried men and added much to their discomfort and dismay. A council was held and the five men decided that the only hope of escape was to make an attempt to break through the ring of tȟóka below. While it was true that their enemies could not reach them, the brave Dakȟóta decided to fight them below; they would carry the fight to them; if they should escape they could join their friends and relatives in the Dakȟóta camps; if they died, their people would sing of their bravery and the story of their heroic death would be told by the evening fires.

The men who gathered about the little fires in the middle of the night among the trees and rough lands dozed with their buffalo robes drawn closely about them and their heads upon their knees, but sprung to their feet by the whispered caution of the sentinels. Something strange was taking place upon the butte. An unseen Dakȟóta was singing his death song and as the song of death was carried to their ears by the shifting winds of the storm, it brought to them a sense of mysterious and intangible fear of the super-natural, and of the possible failure of their own “medicine.” But the strange Dakȟóta song was soon forgotten as old Black Bear, the Ȟewáktokta Medicine Man, began some ceremonies and the men danced and sang in honor of the Pȟaláni, Miwátani and Ȟewáktokta warriors who had met death that day.

The long, cold night was nearly ended; the east was turning grey and the neighing of the horses on the opposite shore could be plainly heard as they were being driven down by the young boys of the camp to the holes in the ice for water; many of the waiting tȟóka below the butte had gathered in a body in a place at the foot of the hill. Nothing had been heard of the Dakȟóta for some time and the allies were debating about sending men to scout out the condition of affairs upon the top of the butte, when they were suddenly startled by the yells of the Dakȟóta warriors and by the sight of them hurling themselves over the edge of the high hill.

"Winter Village Of The Minatarres," by Karl Bodmer.

They leapt from the flat top to the icy sides and slid and tumbled to the very center of the amazed tȟóka. So suddenly had this even taken place that those desperate warriors killed many of them before the tȟóka had sufficiently recovered from their consternation to defend themselves. Then they swarmed to the attack and, in a few minutes, Čhaŋȟpí Sápa (Black Tomahawk) and Travelling All Over Warrior [5] were overwhelmed and killed, but a number of tȟóka also lay dead in the trampled snow to show with what fury these two Dakȟóta had fought. Kȟaŋğí Hó Wakȟáŋ and Tȟatȟáŋka Nážiŋ [6] (Standing Bull) were engaged in a terrific hand to hand combat with so many Pȟaláni and Miwátani that the tȟóka dared not use firearms against them for fear of killing their own men. The stone clubs of the Dakȟóta were used with terrible effect, but against such heavy odds they could not hope to win through and Tȟatȟáŋka Nážiŋ soon died from a blow with the butt of a rifle.

As many of the tȟóka crowded to make coup upon the body of the dead Dakȟóta, Kȟaŋğí Hó Wakȟáŋ managed to break through them and sprung for the shelter of the timber. But he soon met other Miwátani coming in from the night fires a short distance away and died in a whirl of blows by clubs and knives, his death song ringing clear and loud upon the crisp, cold morning air.

The villagers subjected the bodies of these brave men to every indignity and, in their rage at losing so many men, cut and slashed the bodies in a frightful manner. The storm, which had lulled during the early morning hours, however, now arose to such fury that they were compelled to straggle across the ice to their camps for protection as well as to attend to their own serious wounds, which were many. The tȟóka were given over to mourning and grief and for once, the scalp dance of the women was not accompanied by the boastful stories of the warriors, and the victory had been purchased at so great a sacrifice in dead and wounded that no one had the audacity to propose a new name for anyone. The wailing of the grief-stricken women, who had cut off their hair and slashed their arms and breasts in token of the loss of their dead men and sons, was heard in their camp for many days. The white traders at Fort Berthold sold every white sheet and blanket they had, and the white-robed figures of those who mourned had not been so numerous since the great battle between the Pȟaláni and Thítȟuŋwaŋ [7], which had caused the Arikara to go to live with their friends, the Miwátani and Ȟewáktokta at Berthold.

A section of the Sitting Rabbit (Mandan) map of the Missouri River. This screen capture is of the map where the Little Missouri River converges with the Missouri River. Saddle Butte appears on this map.

During this short, fierce battle at the foot of the icy slopes of the butte, none of the villages had noticed that only five Dakȟóta were accounted for. It is possible that they thought that one had escaped. But the sixth Dakȟóta had met with a remarkable adventure and one which saved him from the fury of the tȟóka.

When the desperate Dakȟóta had taken the leap from the rim of the butte, Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi, a Húŋkpathi Iháŋktĥuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta (Lower Yanktonai Dakota), had charged with the others. But some snow had drifted across a wide crack and, giving way as his weight struck it, he had fallen into a cave-like recess and struck his head heavily against a stone, for the day was ended and night arrived when he regained sufficient consciousness and strength to enable him to struggle to the surface of the ice field.

From the camp across the river came the sound of victory and celebration, and the wailing of the bereaved women. Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi picked his way to the bottom and searched the bloody, trampled snow for the bodies of his comrades. The signs of a terrible combat were very plain and he counted the bodies of twenty-one tȟóka, scattered in the vicinity, before he succeeded in locating his four friends who had died there. Their bodies were all terribly slashed and unrecognizable from the mutilation they had received, except by the breech clothes they wore around their loins, and their moccasins. The body of Kȟaŋğí Hó Wakȟáŋ was discovered in the edge of the timber, some hundred yards away from the others, and the bodies of seven Miwátani, lying in a close ring around him, the price the enemy paid in their pursuit of him.

Fort Berthold by De Trobriand.

Hastily filling a quiver with arrows and selecting a bow, he picked up a buffalo robe, then secured several pairs of moccasins from the dead warriors and, entering the timber, started for the south. He passed a still-smoldering fire where some of the tȟóka had passed the night and the day before and which they had vacated so soon after the Dakȟóta made their attempt to escape. He tied up a bundle of meat and, with renewed strength and hope, passed the Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá and was soon lost to probable discovery and pursuit in the deep gorges and piled-up masses of Makȟóšiča.

The Húŋkpathi was not able to follow a straight direction, but by keeping in the depths of the gorges which led in the general direction, he was able to come out on the watershed about morning. To the north were the dark hills of Makȟóšiča through which he had passed and to the south stretched the easier traveled plains country drained by the Ožáte Wakpá.

The snow was not deep on the uplands and Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi had no great apprehension of meeting any tȟóka there at that time of the year. He was armed and supplied with extra moccasins and plenty of meat and he felt encouraged at the sight of the rolling country which, with the exception of a few gentle and narrow ranges of hills, reached to the country of the Dakȟóta, which he would enter when he crossed the first large river which flowed east after leaving the Ožáte Wakpá, which was not far from him.

A panoramic view of the landscape north of Killdeer Mountain. Photo by Dakota Wind.

His plan was to strike the north branch of the Ožáte Wakpá at a point almost due south of where he was, then cross the short highlands to the south branch, leaving which he would travel up some small tributary, flowing in from the south and east, to its head then, after crossing another narrow watershed, he would follow down the first waterway he found, to Čhaŋté Wakpá (Heart River). This river was the boundary line between the Thítȟuŋwaŋ and the tȟóka from whom he had just escaped. The high point, known as Pahá Kȟoškálaka (Young Man’s Butte), would be his guide and he would look for that landmark to appear far to his right; after he caught sight of that, he knew the country well and, provided that he did not meet with any tȟóka of the trail, he felt that his troubles were almost at an end.

After a long and close inspection of his back trail for party of pursuers, he rested for some time in a jungle of high buck brush and ate some of the cooked meat which he had taken from the fires of the Miwátani. Much refreshed, and after another survey of the slopes and valleys from which he had come, he started once more upon his long journey. He now made his way to a long, gentle slope; threw off his buffalo robe and started to sing. The song was in honor of his comrades and of their bravery and death and, after calling loudly each man by name, he raised his arms to the south and promised Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka (Creator; The Great Mystery) that, as he had already taken a public vow to make the Wiwáŋyaŋg Wačhípi (Sun Dance), if he should be fortunate enough to return from the war expedition with honor, in addition he would cut his arms and bleed in one hundred places when the vow was performed, and smoke seven pipes at seven different times. Together with fasting and purification ceremonies, if he were permitted to reach his people alive.

As Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi came up over a gentle hill a short time after his prayer had been made, he was started to see another man coming directly toward him. He also was afoot, but did not appear to be armed; moreover, he was reeling like a sick man or one who was exhausted by starvation.

He rearranged his robe so it might be discarded easily and shifted his arrow pouch to a better position. He was not afraid of any one man; he would not turn aside or hide from one lone tȟóka, and held to his course. The other man had not appeared to fear him, either, and neither did he turn aside and, as they approached each other, both watched the other closely. Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi identified the other man as a Pȟaláni from the manner in which he wore his hair, and could see that he was bloody and had been wounded in a fight. The two men passed within ten paces, and it was only when they had passed that Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi saw a large knife sticking in the naked back of the Pȟaláni. He had a right to kill him or let him live, so he permitted the tȟóka to keep on his way, and he was soon lost to sight among the folds of the prairie hills.

Later that evening the Dakȟóta came to the scantily-timbered south branch of the Ožáte Wakpá and was fortunate enough to kill a small rabbit and a number of prairie chickens in a snow-covered brush pile on the edge of a steep-cut bank. There was the framework of an abandoned summer camp close by and the willow top and sides were covered with snow and afforded some protection, so he entered and decided to spend the night there. But presently he heard voices and, listening intently, he was surprised to hear his own companions talking. “Now. This is the place and here is our brother, Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi. He has beaten us to this old camp. We are all together now. He will be glad to see us. Perhaps he has something to eat. We will send some messages to our relatives. He will tell them how bravely we died. Let us go in at once and feast and rest with him.”

He rushed out of the place and looked around. There was no one in sight. Frightened by these spirit voices, he once more started for the south and, a few days later, staggered into a camp of his own people in Pȟahíŋ Makȟóčhe (Porcupine country), south of Iŋyaŋ Wakáŋğapi Wakpá. He was never able to tell the people anything of his journey after the voices of his dead comrades had come to him. For he could not recall a single incident after that time until he was discovered by a Dakȟóta rider in the Pahá Pȟahíŋ (Porcupine Hills), far to the west of Íŋyaŋ Wosláta (Standing Rock).

True to his word to Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka, Wahíŋkpe Uŋ Ópi took a principal part in the next Wiwáŋyaŋg Wačhípi, but his friends gave him many horses for the privilege of taking some of the cuts in his arms for him, so that now he bears but two rows of ten cuts each, upon either arm.

The site of the well-known Indian battle has been marked by the tȟóka. At every place where a dead native lay is a pile of stones. These marking the spot where a Pȟaláni was found are built of white stones; the Miwátani placed stones of a red color upon the graves of their dead warriors, and the Ȟewáktokta use another color for theirs.

At the places where the five Dakȟóta fell are mounds of stones of all colors, and thus do the tȟóka honor the bravery of the small band of Dakȟóta who attacked an entire village in the winter; the old men often sit together when in the vicinity and talk in low, subdued voices of this party who died in battle, far from their own lodges, with songs in their hearts and bravery shining in their eyes.

Vocabulary:
Dakȟóta: (Lit. Affection) Friend, Ally

Kȟaŋğí: Crow

Heȟáka Wakpá: Elk River, Yellowstone River

Makȟóšiča: Badlands

Heȟáka Tȟa Wakpá: River of Elk, Little Missouri River

Ožáte Wakpá: Branching River, Knife River

Pȟaláni: Arikara

Iháŋktĥuŋwaŋna: (Lit. Little End Village) Yanktonai

Mní Šošé: Water-Astir, Missouri River

Miwátani: Mandan

Pahá Čháŋwak’iŋ: Saddle Butte/s

Mnitáŋ Wakpá: Flood Creek,

Ȟewáktokta: Hidatsa

Hóhe: Assiniboine

Thiyóšpaye: Band

Pȟaláni Wakpá: Arikara River, Grand River

Iŋyaŋ Wakaŋğapi Wakpá: Stone Statue River, Cannonball River

Thítȟuŋwaŋ: Dwellers On The Plains, Teton

Lakȟóta: Friend, Ally

Húŋkpathi Iháŋktĥuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta: Lower Yanktonai Dakota

Čhaŋté Wakpá: Heart River

Pahá Kȟoškálaka: Young Man’s Butte

Wakȟáŋ Tȟáŋka: Great Mystery, Creator

Wiwáŋyaŋg Wačhípi: Sundance

Pȟahíŋ Makȟóčhe: Porcupine Country

Pahá Pȟahíŋ: Porcupine Hills

Íŋyaŋ Wosláta: Standing Rock

End Notes:
[1] Lit. Plains-Dwellers; Teton whose language is Lakȟóta, but in this case is in reference to the plains dwelling Dakȟóta; original text was “Teton.”

[2] Not to be confused with Tȟašúŋke Kȟokípȟapi, or Young Man Afraid Of His Horses, the Oglála. He was the son of the famous Iháŋktĥuŋwaŋna Dakȟóta Chief Matȟó Núŋpa (Two Bear).

[3] One of the six Dakȟóta in this horse-stealing party.

[4] He was the brother of Wakíŋyaŋ Máza (Iron Thunder) and a member of the band of Matȟó Núŋpa.

[5] Note: no available Dakȟóta text on this name.

[6] Not to be confused with another Santee Dakȟóta of the same name.

[7] A reference to the 1823 conflict near present-day Mobridge, SD between a combination of Colonel Leavenworth’s command of soldiers and Thítȟuŋwaŋ against the Pȟaláni.

Thursday, February 27, 2014

Sun Boy And The Rainbow

"A Rainbow On The Plains Of North Dakota," by Jerry Mercier.
Sun Boy And The Rainbow
Rainbow Is Snare In Lakhota Tradition
As told to Col. A. B. Welch, edited by Dakota Wind
Great Plains, N.D. - A long time ago there was a terrible storm and much rain fell to the ground and the rivers got large and dirt was washed away from some places.

After a while the sun was shining and, in the sky, was a Wígmuŋke, or colored bow. A boy said that he would make a vow to climb to the top of it, so he started out to find where it touched the ground and climbed it.

He shot a blazing arrow when he got to the top of the bow that time, and the people went to get it, but could never find it and the spirits keep them from finding where the bow touches the ground.

They will always keep the sun boy up there. The people never heard of him again.

Now, nearly every time it rains, this same colored bow comes and the people point to it and tell about when the boy climbed to the sky. When it comes the sun always comes with it, so the people call the boy the Hokšíla Wí, Sun Boy, because the sun comes with the colored bow.

The Lakȟóta refer to rainbows as Wígmuŋke, A Snare. It is said that the wígmuŋke, causes the storm to end by trapping it, so that no more rain can fall. No one points at the wígmuŋke with their fingers, but use their lips or elbows if they gesture to it.

“When a rainbow comes everyone looks at it. But no one points at it. If you point at it you will suffer then. Your finger will grow very large. It gets big. It is bad to point at the rainbow.” Mrs. Amanda Grass, May 15, 1921.

Monday, December 30, 2013

The Spy And The Wolf

US Indian Scouts were an official branch of the US Military from 1865 to about 1950. Indian Scouts also had their own guidons, military flags.
The Spy And The Wolf
Tunwéya Na Šuŋgmánitu Tĥáŋka
By Dakota Wind
GREAT PLAINS – There were two kinds of scouts on the Great Plains in the nineteenth century. One kind consisted of Indians who enlisted in the US military as members of the US Scouts, an official branch of the US military. The Indian Scouts were charged with four basic responsibilities which included scouting the landscape for military expeditions, translating, running down deserters, and delivering US mail between military forts.

The other kind of scout served the native people by going out ahead of the main camp and watching for enemies, guiding the camp to the best campsites, and searched for game. The essential qualifications of the scout included truthfulness, courage, intuition, and a thorough knowledge of the landscape.

Native men who enlisted as US Scouts did so for a variety of reasons. Some enlisted as a means to avenge themselves on an enemy tribe, but others did so out of the desperate need to feed their families.

"The Buffalo Hunt Under The Wolf Skin Mask" by American artist George Catlin. Indian scouts sometimes employed the wolf skin as a means to sneak up on game or enemies.

Native men, so far as Lakĥóta men are concerned, were selected by council and gathered by the headmen for council. At the council, they would pray, smoke, and talk about the importance of the occasion. The chief and council spoke about the benefits for the entire camp upon success, and dire consequence upon defeat. The scouts were told to be wise as well as brave, to look not only to the front but behind, up as well much as to the ground, to watch for movement among the animals, to listen to the wind, to be mindful when crossing streams, to not disturb any animals, and to swiftly return to the people with any information.

Lakĥóta scouts, weren’t selected for their fighting prowess, nor were they necessarily warriors. The scout party was selected for each man’s keen eyesight and a man’s reputation for shrewd cunning and quick vigilance.

The Lakĥóta have sayings for mindfulness or awareness. In an online discourse with Vaughn T. Three Legs, Iŋyáŋ Hokšíla (Stone Boy), enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and radio personality on KLND 89.5 FM, and his čhiyé (older brother) Chuck Benson, they shared the phrase Ablésya máni yo, which means, “Be observant as you go,” but observation also implies understanding.

"Comanche War Party, Chief Discovering Enemy And Urging His Men At Sunrise" by George Catlin, 1834. Note: the chief meets the two scouts at the crest of the hill.

Cedric Goodhouse, a respected elder and enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, offered Ĥa kíta máni yo, which means, “Observe everything as you go.” He also put before this writer the phrase Awáŋglake ománi, or “Watch yourself as you go around.” Lastly, Cedric shared the philosophy Taŋyáŋ wíyukčaŋ ománi, “Think good things as you go around.”

The late Albert White Hat, a respected elder, teacher, and enrolled member of the Rosebud Sioux Tribe, often shared the phrase Naké nulá waúŋ, “Always prepared,” or “Prepared for anything,” but this preparedness also reflects a readiness in spirit to meet the Creator too.

Each of these sayings were things practiced daily in camp and on the trail, then and today.

Before starting out, the scout’s relatives, or the camp’s medicine people offer prayers of protection, for the sun and moon to light the way, for the rain to fall sparingly, for the rivers and streams to offer safe passage, for the bluffs to offer unimpeded views, and for gentle winds. All of nature is petitioned to assist the scout to the people’s benefit.

When the scouts set out, only two were permitted to go in the same direction. A larger scout party could see and report no more information than two. A larger party would certainly be discovered more easily by the enemy.

The scout, whether he was a US Indian Scout or a Lakĥóta scout, would take with him a small mirror or field glass, invaluable tools made available in the early fur trade days. A scout would signal with his mirror a pre-determined set of flashes for the main camp to interpret and prepare long before his return. A tremulous series of flashes might indicate that the enemy was seen.

An online search for "mirror," "bag," and "Sioux," brought this image up. This type of mirror bag could easily be modified to be worn around the neck.

As the scout approached the main camp, near enough for vocal communication, he might let loose a wolf howl, again, to indicate that the enemy was seen and/or approaching.

Upon viewing the flashes and certainly upon hearing the wolf howl, the main camp war chief, headmen, and warriors would gather in a circle broken by an opening towards the approaching scout. The scout or scouts entered the broken circle and completed it, where they shared the news.

Captain William Philo Clark, a graduate of the US Military School, and military scout under General Crook, observed firsthand or heard from native authorities of a ceremonial ritual upon the scout or scouts return. Clark served in Dakota Territory from 1868 to 1884, and authored “The Indian Sign Language.” Clark observed that all tribes observed a return ritual for their scouts.

Basically, the broken circle is complete when the scout or scouts enter the opening, whereupon the pipe is offered to the six directions, the war chief or other headman and scout draw breath on the pipe, and upon the fourth time, the scout or scouts are debriefed. It was Clark’s observation that often enough the ritual was not always practiced. Certainly if there were an enemy war party fast approaching, ceremony was dropped in preparation for combat.

The Lakĥóta word for scout is Tuŋwéya, which means “Spy,” “Guide,” or “Scout.” The sign for scout is simply “Wolf.” Hold the right hand, palm out, near right shoulder, first and second fingers extended, separated and pointing upwards; remaining fingers and thumb closed; move right hand several inches to front and slightly upwards, turning hand a little so that extended fingers point to front and upward.

The Lakĥóta scout sometimes employed a wolf headdress to aid in his mission; sometimes they even carried a bone whistle to aid in alerting the camp.

In English, the word spy implies a clandestine secrecy; a guide leads people in unfamiliar territory, and a scout might mean learning basic survival skills or a covert military reconnaissance. For the Lakĥóta, tuŋwéya clearly meant spying and reconnoitering for the camp; they already know their own country and all except the smallest certainly knew basic survival skills, however they definitely needed to know who else traveled in their territory. 

Wednesday, December 18, 2013

Standing Rock Legend, A Test Of Faithfulness

"Standing Rock, The Sacred Stone Of The Sioux," by W.A. Rodgers.
Another Legend Of Standing Rock
A Tale Of Faithfulness During Absence
By Dakota Wind
STANDING ROCK, N.D. – There are several variations of the story of Standing Rock, but all of them end with a woman transforming into stone. On the Northern Plains there are three tribes which have a Standing Rock story: the Cheyenne, the Arikara, and the Standing Rock Sioux. There is a different location associated with each story too.

The story of Standing Rock, in a way, mirrors the story of the horses’ arrival. There are several variations of the story of first contact with horses, and in different places too. The common element of the horse story is awe and a renewed sense of respect for the mystery of creation. No one story is right, and no one location is the exact one.

The stories of Standing Rock always end in the transformation of a woman into stone. Perhaps some long ago event about a woman who was universally beloved by the tribes of the Northern Plains inspired stories associated with all the feelings and angst of love and tragedy. One variant tells of the importance of obeying the supernatural, another of patience and waiting for a lost love to return, and here’s yet another version about infidelity. It was collected by Colonel Welsh in Fort Yates, on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation in 1915.

A previous version from Welch’s notes from the website Welch's Dakota Papers was featured here, but this version was tucked away in the AB Welch collection at the North Dakota State Archives. The date of this variant places the incident in 1833 along the Grand River on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation, while the Yanktonai Dakota version places the tale in 1740 near Cannonball River, also on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation.

"The Night The Stars Fell Over The Sioux Nation," by Eric S. Young.

A long time ago, the year the stars fell [1833], a young warrior took many presents, and laid them at the lodge of a family where a beautiful maiden lived. The father of the maiden came out, looked at the piles of valuable furs and beautiful ornaments, saw the slick slim limbed ponies, and his heart was soft within him. He gathered up the presents, carried them into his tipi, when he came out, he lead his daughter by the hand and presented her to this young warrior for his wife.

The young man, soon after, went away on an expedition against the Crows. He and his party were gone all summer and in the fall were caught by the early winter on the Yellowstone River and owing to the large body of captured horses the party was compelled to make winter camp. As early as they could move in the spring they started across the country and finally arrived at the village of their tribe. There was great rejoicing, dancing and feasts. The young man then went to the sundance and distinguished himself by dragging bison skulls, and prayed to become a great leader among his people.

The young man was eventually selected as chieftan over a small band.

For some reason, the suspicions of the young chief were aroused against his wife and she was compelled to consume a draught of bitter herbs, as a test. If she were innocent, it was believed that the herbs would have no effect upon her. If she were guilty, the drink would make her sick. She became violently ill and it was decided that she had been unfaithful. Accordingly, a procession was formed and she was taken upon the hill that stands alone.

In the presence of the entire tribe, the young chief pronounced a terrible curse upon her. The medicine men performed a mystical rite and the winds rushed and roared, rain and hail beat down with great fury, the sun became darkened – it was midday -, fire leapt out of the ground, and spirits were seen rushing through the air.

Fire Heart applies paint [red] to Standing Rock. Major James McLaughlin wrote that Fire Heart prayed for peace and forgiveness.

At this demonstration, the tribe, in great fear, fell down upon the ground, and when the terrible things had ceased, they looked, and beheld the young woman with a babe upon her back had turned to black stone. This stone thereafter was greatly regarded as sacred. 

Monday, December 9, 2013

No Two Horns' Narratives Of Apple Creek Conflict And Burnt Boat Fight

The Episcopal priest, Aaron Beede, in Fort Yates, ND, collected this piece authored by No Two Horns. The story: No Two Horns entered an enemy village, likely Crow as indicated by the hair style of the Indian peering out of his lodge, and has successfully stolen two horses. 
No Two Horns’ Narratives Of 1860's Battles
Apple Creek Conflict & Burnt Boat Fight
By Dakota Wind
BISMARCK, N.D. – Chances are that if you have ever visited the North Dakota Heritage Center you may have come across the works of Hé Núŋpa WaníčA, No Two Horns. No Two Horns is listed by the State Historical Society of North Dakota and by Standing Rock Tourism as being Húŋkpapȟa Lakȟóta.

Like many Plains Indian men, No Two Horns had another name, Kimímela Ská, White Butterfly. No Two Horns was said to have been born in 1852, or earlier. His father was Ištá Sapá, Black Eyes, who was also known as Wasú Šá, Red Hail. No Two Horns was a master artist of the Plains Indian pictograph and many of his carvings serve as evidence of a graceful careful hand. By his own account, he was quite a horse thief in his youth, and a veteran of the Little Bighorn fight.

In May of 1924, Col. A. B. Welch, adopted son of John Grass, met with No Two Horns and others ostensibly to talk about the Burnt Boat Fight between the Lakota and a group of miners who descended the Missouri River and beached their vessel on a sandbar. One story has it that the miners caught a mother bathing her child nearby and overcome with lust, raped her, and then killed her and her little one.

No Two Horns explained to Welch how the Burnt Boat Fight came about after explaining how his band of people came to be engaged there the summer following the 1863 Apple Creek Conflict.

Here is an excerpt of Colonel A.B. Welch’s War Drums (Genuine War Stories From The Sioux, Mandan, Hidatsa, And Arikara). Only minor edits have been made to the Lakȟóta text within Welch’s paper:

I have often heard several men of the Sioux make veiled remarks about this (1864) incident for some years before I finally succeeded in obtaining a story regarding it. The Indians appeared to be reticent about discussing it, apparently being afraid that they might be punished for it even at this late date, after treaties had been signed in which all acts of hostility had been mutually forgotten and forgiven. However, when I talked with them regarding the Sibley Expedition, I began to get more of the facts as the Sioux knew them.


"The Sibley Campaign 1863," by depression era artist Clell Gannon.

There are many men alive today, who were young me at that time and who were fighting at the Big Mound north of Tappen, Dead Buffalo Lake north of Dawson, and along the trail from there to where the Indians were forced across to the west side of the Missouri river, at Sibley Island. It is from these old men that I have the information as herein given, as well as stories told to me by several white men and Mandan and Arikara, who were in a position to know much regarding this affair.

The story of the white boy captive and his tragic death appears to be authentic, although I have never been able to get an Indian to tell us positively that it is a fact. Nevertheless, they will not contradict the statement and many have said that they understood or had heard about the boy and that he had died soon after the fight. They intimate that his death was caused by the hysterical demand of the woman, who cried for revenge to “cover the body” of Ištá Sapá (Black Eyes, the father of No Two Horns) who was killed in the battle. I had tried to obtain trace of this boy for years, before I finally was convinced that, if he was actually taken prisoner, he lost his life in some strange manner, soon after.

As no one of the white party survived, it is not possible to obtain any but the Indian account of the actual affair, but the story of Mr. Larned, as given, indicates that the miners might still may have been under the influence of their wild time at Fort Berthold and quite likely had much liquor aboard the craft. Roughly speaking, it is about one hundred miles from Fort Berthold by river, to the place where they met disaster and the flow of the current is about seven or eight miles per hour. If the party were not hung up on some sand bar or did not land to hunt for meat, it would have taken them some fourteen or sixteen hours to have reached the mouth of the creek where they were killed. They probably landed for the night time upon some of the many islands, as there were Sioux upon the east, or left, band and Mandans, Hidatsa and Arikara upon the west, and it stands to reason that the miners would not have invited a night attach. Meat hunting would not have taken much of their time as game was very plentiful and they had stocked up with trader’s goods at Fort Berthold and would have been glad to eat “civilized food” again for a time. I believe that they left Fort Berthold early in the morning; spent that night in the vicinity of the mouth of the Knife River and were late in the next day.

The party was composed of some fourteen or fifteen miners, presumably all Montana miners from Alder Gulch ‘diggins’ (Virginia City). Dust worth several millions of dollars was taken out of this short gulch placer mining district, and the history of the rough times there is wonderfully told in “The Vigilantes.” Wilder men never gathered together in any spot, than there. The members of this party had cleaned up and were returning with their dust to the down-river points in 1864. After their wild debauch at Fort Berthold, and universally holding the Indian in contempt, it is easily understood how they maliciously fired upon the Sioux and were overwhelmed by them when their mismanaged craft struck upon a sand bar on the eastern shore near the Sioux camp. Who they were, or information regarding their family histories, will never be known, but there can be little doubt but that this party of wild frontier miners was completely wiped out by the Sioux, at the first draw north of the present Northern Pacific Railway Mandan-Bismarck bridge in the fall of 1864.

The map is from an 1890s survey of the Missouri River, about thirty years after the Apple Creek conflict. This reproduces the movements of native civilians & warriors, and Sibley's response. 

Hé Núŋpa WaníčA (No Two Horns), a Sioux Indian in whom I place much reliance as to historical data concerning that people, had told me that he was in the fight with the Indians who confronted Gen. Sibley from Big Mound to Sibley Island. He says that, after the Indians were safely upon the west banks of the Missouri, his band of Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna followed the Heart river to its headwaters and passed on into the Bad Lands of the Little Missouri, and that a month or two later they started back with the intention of crossing again to the east side and spending the winter in their old territory between the Missouri and the James, known to them as “The Earth Dish of Wa’anáta.”

He states that one of the mouths of the Heart was north of the present Northern Pacific railway bridge and that they crossed at that place to the east side and moved up into the first draw, where there was fresh water and wood and where they camped for a time.  This deep, steep-sided gully was a well-known Sioux camping place, and from it travois trails led by east stages up to the high lands and thence by good roads, to the valley of Apple Creek, which they followed up into the Dog Den Butte country, up into the region of Sibley Butte and as far as “Wagon Wheel Hills,” north of Steele, at the east end of which the trail divided, the main route leading along the line of lakes and high choteau (sp?) and into the Čhaŋsása, or James River valley, and another trail bearing north and east of north toward the Mníwakaŋ or Devils Lake regions. This camp site was about a mile south of a well-known Missouri river ford, where passage might be easily made without bull boats or rafts, and which was the generally-used ford in the vicinity for all Indian parties. The west entrance of the ford was just below the United States Government harbor now known as Rock Haven, and required not more than one hundred yards of swimming in the main channel. Why this ford was not used by the party of No Two Horns, at that time, is not known to me.

No Two Horns says: “We were camped in that place then. There was much water flowing out of the hills and the feed was good. Our horses would not leave the grass and shade of the trees along the little stream. There was good wood in the timber there. Many deer were in the bottom lands and antelope up on the prairie. Down on Apple Creek there were many elk. We had much meat. We had been chased across the river by the horse soldiers from the east. We crossed then just above the mouth of the Little Heart. We got across easy. We killed some of the enemy there, too. We had been in the Mníwakaŋ country. We were not Little Crow’s people. We were looking for someone to come and thank us. Inkpáduta (Scarlet Point) and several of his men were in that camp. When we got to the river, they went north on the east side. We went across. We went up the Heart River. We went into the Good Horse Grass country (the Sioux frequently speak of the Bad Lands by that name). When the Indians who followed the horse soldiers came back, we started back to our own country. We crossed the Missouri at the mouth of Heart River then. That was where the railroad bridge is now. We went up to this water-grass place. My father was with me, too. He was an old man.”


"Mackinaw Boat Under Attack On The Missouri," by William de le Montagne.

“Then we saw a boat coming down the river. It had white men in it. We wanted to trade for powder, lead, guns, coffee and cloth. We had some fine otter pelts and other skins to trade.

We waved our arms and asked them to come and trade with us. They shot us then. They killed my father. His name was Ištá Sapá (Black Eyes). We were mad then. They fired guns at us. They were working hard at shooting. The boat run on some sand where the little stream run out. We killed them all then. We set fire to the boat and it burned to the water. We got their clothes and guns and kettles. Some yellow earth, we poured out of some little sacks. We did not know it was worth anything then. But it was gold. We buried my father in a lodge there. I can show you the place where it stood. We went away. They shot at us. We were friendly people.  The leader of the horse soldiers did the same thing. He made us fight. The Government always treated the people who fought the best. It was fall before the snow came. I don’t remember any more about that time by the little stream which flowed into the Mníšoše (Missouri).”


Thaóyate Dúta, His Red Nation (aka Little Crow).

It will be remembered that, at the time of the Minnesota Massacres (1863) by Little Crow’s Santees, many members of the Iháŋktȟuŋwan and Iháŋktȟuŋwaŋna divisions moved away into the Devils Lake regions, with the expressed purpose of keeping out of the trouble. They fully expected that the Government would send a messenger to them, to thank them for that action. They nearly starved during the winter and early in the spring were in the vicinity of Steele and Dawson, Kidder County, North Dakota, hunting buffalo when they were surprised by the advance of Sibley’s column.

Their own story is that they sent forward several old, honorable men to smoke with Gen. Sibley, and that these old men were fired upon by Sibley’s men and the fight started. Many of these friendly Indians were killed in the running engagement, but the troopers were, to say the least, perfectly satisfied to see the Indians cross the river, after which the soldiers returned to Minnesota.


Inkpáduta, or Scarlet Point, pictured here, went on to fight at the Little Bighorn. 

The hostile renegade, Inkpáduta (Scarlet Point), and about twelve of his men had joined this hunting party a few days before Sibley found them, but had already been notified by the camp soldiers, that he must go away at once. When the Indians neared the Missouri, he, together with his men, left the main body and slipping through the soldiers guard, succeeded in passing north along the east bank of the stream and went off into the Devils Lake region, and north, to be close to the Canadian border. The other Indians broke up into small parties after the crossing, and went into several directions, but the camp with which No Two Horns traveled, went into the Bad Lands, which they reached about August 15th, 1864. No Two Horns argued that the Government made peace only with those who fought against them, and that his people should have done so, under the thought that they would have been treated better if they had.

Friday, December 6, 2013

Expressions Of Gratitude: Thank You In Speech And Sign

A Lakota Give Away (above). 
Expressions Of Gratitude
"Thank You" In Speech And Sign
By Dakota Wind
GREAT PLAINS – Kevin Locke, enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and emminent flute-player and world renowned hood dancer, finished his program with a recitation of White Cloud’s “An Indian Prayer” which included  a demonstration of the Plains Indian sign language.

Accompanying Locke was Reuben Fast Horse, also an enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and a traditional singer and flute-player in his own right. Fast Horse is also a hand-talker, or signer, of the Plains Indian Sign and Gesture language, the world’s first universal langauge.

The program came at the latter end of November, close to the national American holiday known as Thanksgiving. In North Dakota, the entire month is designated as Native American Heritage Month. The program, in Locke’s and Fast Horse’s execution, bespoke of the universal thread that is humanity in language, song, story, and dance.

I turned to Fast Horse as Locke was taking a few questions on stage and asked how one signs gratitude. Fast Horse set his hand drum down on the table he was seated at and extended his arms up and out and shoulder level, fingers extended and gently curved, palms out, and patted his hands downward to about waist level.

Locke uses the same gesture to express gratitude. He learned from his mother, Patricia, who was also a signer. The gesture is synominous with respect to someone or something.


Marland Aitson, Kiowa, demonstrates the sign for "thank you," from George Fronval's "Indian Signs And Signals."

Cedric Goodhouse, and his wife Sissy, both enrolled members of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and keepers of the living culture, offered a program of their own in Bismarck the previous week, also to commemorate Native American Heritage Month. Afterward, I asked about methods of expressing gratitude. One might say philámayayA or philámiya pó, the first an expression of gratitude to someone, the second is the way a man would express his gratitude to more than one person. The phrase wóphila, an expression of thanksgiving or appreciation, can be used to express common thanks, but its usage is acquainted with blessings and prayers.

During the Sioux Wars of the 1870s, a military officer named William Philo Clark was sent to Dakota Territory. There he personally lead commands of Crow, Pawnee, Cheyenne, Shoshone, Arapahoe, and Lakota. In the evenings he witnessed entire conversations pass with no difficulty among people who spoke different languages. Clark was stationed at Red Cloud and Spotted Tail Agencies then was assigned north, either to run mail or manage another detachment of US Indian Scouts, but he found himself among the Mandan, Arikara, Assiniboine, and Bannocks, and he found that the Plains sign and gesture langauge a reliable method of communicting.

In 1881, General Phil Sheridan assigned Clark to submit a compilation of the Indian sign and gesture langauge to the military, a comprehensive work that eventually became known as The Indian Sign Language. Within this work is an entry for gratitude.

Clark recorded that the concept of gratitude as he learned it as, “You have taken pity on me; I will remember it, and take pity on you.” The sign is as follows: hold the right hand near the heart, thumb and index nearly extended, palmer surface near ends pressed together, other fingers closed; move right hand outwards (which represents something drawn out of the heart; this means “thanks”); followed by the sign for “Give,” which is as Locke and Fast Horse articulate gratitude through sign.


Tompkins pictured here engaging in the Plains Indian Sign Language with the Lakȟóta. Tompkins was given the friendship name Waŋblí WíyutȟA, Sign Talking Eagle.

In the 1880s, William Tompkins was raised at Fort Sully, south of Pierre, SD, then in Dakota Territory, near what became the Crow Creek and Lower Brule Sioux Indian Reservations. Tompkins put together his own book with accompanying illustrations about the sign and gesture langauge, but also including a little of the pictographic langauge and even a page on smoke signals.

Tompkins book, Indian Sign Language, published in 1931, concurs with Locke’s and Fast Horse’s method of expressing thanks. Later publications, like Robert Hofsinde’s Indian Sign Language, and George Fronval’s Indian Signs And Signals, also correlate the method of articulating thanks used by Locke and Fast Horse.

Another non-native, Alfred Burton Welch, was born on a homestead near Armour, SD (then Dakota Territory) in 1874 to a traveling Methodist minister father. The Welch family moved to Tacoma, WA. AB Welch went to university in Puget Sound, then served in the US Military in the Philippines. Welch moved to Mandan, ND but maintained his military service in the National Guard. While in Mandan, Welch grew close to the Sihásapa (Blackfeet) Lakȟóta, in particular, Mahtó WatȟákpA (Charging Bear), also called Chief John Grass who fought in the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Grass grew fond of Welch, so fond in fact, that he adopted Welch as his son in the Huŋká (Making-Of-Relatives) ceremony.

While Welch became familiar with the Lakȟóta on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation he recorded several stories and even took a few notes about the Plains Indian sign and gesture language.

In Welch’s notes is mention of how one articulates gratitude, which is described as follows: draw one’s hand (left or right) over one’s face, touching the forehead and then down below one’s chin. This method of signing gratitude, as it was recorded on Standing Rock in 1919, was accompanied with the interjection hahó hahó, which means  delight, gratitude, or joy. Welch recorded that signers would accompany the gesture with the interjection of hayé hayé, which also conveyed gratitude but was/is addressed to the Creator.

The Lakȟóta also say and accept thanks in English too, and offer a warm handshake.

It is especially good luck to gift a Lakȟóta twenty dollars. I’m just kidding, it isn’t. But if you gave me a twenty I’d be grateful.