Friday, January 10, 2025

Bismarck Indian Boarding School

Above, the Bismarck Indian Boarding School. 0151-043-reversed, State Historical Society of North Dakota.
Bismarck Indian Boarding School
A School, Jail, and Sex Ring
By Dakota Wind
Note: A bibliography follows this article below. This paper was originally written for one of my graduate courses. Click HERE to access the original document with every citation. 

A midsummer day in 1986 brought us to Bismarck for general shopping. We crossed the old Liberty Memorial Bridge into Bismarck and unexpectedly turned north onto a campus of brick-and-mortar buildings overlooking the Missouri River. It was the old Bismarck Indian Boarding School, now called Fraine Barracks which serves as the headquarters of the ND National Guard. It was quiet, neat, and bright-looking. The grass was carefully manicured, the drive around the old campus clean and even, and the institutional setting of the campus was somehow familiar. My grandmother Edna said the roads and buildings were arranged like an old fort. After she mentioned that I could not unsee it. During our brief visit to the old school, my grandmother shared a personal boarding school experience.

Edna Josephine Foster was born on the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation in 1917 and raised in the modest community of Wakpala. She and her younger sister Maime were sent to boarding school as girls. Edna recalled a moment of play when Mamie attempted a backflip off the swingset and landed face-first on the ground and in an instant she could not move. A bell signaled students that recess was over and Edna could not help her sister to stand. The matron approached the girls and seeing Mamie on the ground ordered her to stand. When Mamie could not rise, the matron ordered Edna to return to class. Reluctantly, she left her sister on the ground with the matron. When Edna entered the school she glanced at her sister and saw the matron kicking her. It was the last time Edna saw her sister alive and she regretted she hadn’t done more to help her.

Edna’s name appears in only one box of the Bismarck Indian Boarding School records: Incorrigible Students. The file contains only a list of names but no reasons for making the list. Edna shared her Bismarck Indian Boarding School experience with her children and how her name ended up on the Incorrigible Student list is the culmination of escalating tensions between the matron and her.

The incorrigible list features a roster of twenty-nine boarders who submitted formal requests on Dec. 8, 1932, to Supt. Sharon Mote to return home for the Christmas holiday. There is no response from Mote in the record. Edna recalled the matron had cultivated a hostile learning environment; Tobin openly favored students who embraced the ideals of assimilation (English as spoken language, and conversion to Christianity).

Above, U S Indian School Bismarck ND, 0151-45, State Historical Society of North Dakota.

One December evening, as Tobin went about shutting off the lights without notice, Edna climbed to the top of her bunk and waited for her. When Tobin turned off the lights in Edna’s room she leapt for the matron and attempted to pull her coif, which came off revealing the matron’s bald head. The scuffle was loud and drew everyone’s attention. The female boarders screamed because they thought Edna was fighting with a man. Edna got the best of Tobin, escaped the Bismarck Indian Boarding School, and ran on the ice, following the Missouri River downstream for a hundred miles to Wakpala, SD. There is no further record of Edna at the school. She went on to graduate from Wakpala High and entered the Women’s Army Corps.

Incorrigible? Only in some distant dusty file. Edna’s story of defiance at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School is fondly recalled by her descendants as brave, indomitable, and intrepid.

Mrs. Tobin had a long reputation for overcorrecting the students. One January evening in 1921, she strapped three girls, Blanche Young Bear, Alice Standish, and Gladys Bassett, for laughing and talking.

According to the superintendent, “The matron claims to have knocked on the wall between the room she occupies and the dormitory occupied by the girls as a means of silencing the girls' talk and laughter, but this had little effect upon the girls, and she consequently took her strap with her into the dormitory and gave (as she states) the offending girls a strapping. One of the girls- Blanche Youngbear- resenting the punishment attempted to fight the matron whereupon the matron gave her a double dose to bring her under discipline.”

Matron Tobin wasn’t done with her judicial discretion. When the trio failed to appear at breakfast, she sent them to a “playroom” located in the basement. The girls fled the school for home back at Fort Berthold but were found badly frostbitten and exhausted four days later near Stanton, ND. Padgett brought the girls back to the Bismarck Indian Boarding School, however, Ms. Young Bear needed hospitalization for her frostbite. Ms. Young Bear continued to stand up to the matron’s mistreatment and was eventually kicked out for “repeated desertion.”

Running away from the Bismarck Indian Boarding School seems to have been the last resort for students who were starved, beaten, and more. This action says more about the school and lack of positive reinforcement than it does about the parents who sent them to boarding school in the first place.

 
Above, Bismarck Indian School, Bismarck, ND. Photo by Frank Fiske. 1952-0552, State Historical Society of North Dakota.

This was the post-reservation era, children were sent away to boarding schools. Parents were forced to send their children away to boarding schools, and coerced to send them as far away as they could, “reformers preferred off-reservation boarding schools where children could be isolated from the contaminating influences of parents, friends, and family.”

Indeed, Congress authorized the Bureau of Indian Affairs to withhold rations and annuities from families who refused to send their children to off-reservation boarding schools.

The zeal for native children to attend boarding school off the reservation was real. Gerald Azure, an enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, recalled a white woman who regularly drove around the reservation and picked up children in a manner like animal control rounds up stray dogs. “A white woman grabbed children and took them to the school without even letting their parents know,” recalled Azure. This story is recalled by many on Standing Rock to this day.

Who was the woman? The evidence suggests that the alleged child abductor is Mrs. Sharon Mote, the wife of the Bismarck Indian Boarding School superintendent in later years of operation. It turned out that Mrs. Mote did not just abduct children, but enjoyed driving the company car. In Dec. 1935, Superintendent Mote wrote to the Bureau of Indian Affairs requesting reimbursement of $121.96 - equivalent to $2500+ in December 2023 - on behalf of his wife for the collection of students for the school. Mrs. Mote took the school car on a cross-country drive from Bismark to Washington DC with stops at Minneapolis, Chicago, and Cincinnati. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs decided to withhold reimbursement. 

Desertion at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School reached a high. On March 3, 1921, Mabel Bear, Olive Sherwood, Gladys Bassett, and Blanche Wolf, all from the Fort Berthold Reservation, were expelled after an altercation at the school. Wolf exchanged blows with Tobin which resulted in the matron burning her arm on the stove. Blanch was placed in solitary confinement.

When the incorrigible were brought back to the Bismarck Indian Boarding School, the school dealt with them in many ways including solitary confinement, cleaning detail, or forcing students to march comparative to the miles they had run when they were caught. In May of 1927, student Philip White Twin (Standing Rock) ran away and was caught and held at the Standing Rock agency jail. White Twin refused to return to the Bismarck Indian Boarding School.

Above, US Indian School, Bismarck, ND. Photo by Frank Fiske. 1952-0605, State Historical Society of North Dakota.

Life at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School was challenging for all students. Lice was common and the boarding schools had various means to treat an infestation including dousing one’s head with kerosene, cutting one’s hair, treatment with DDT or chlordane powder, and application of vinegar. Edna Foster continued to use kerosene as a means to treat lice when she became a mother.

Conditions worsened and in the 1931-1932 academic year other threats to student health emerged at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School including cases of trachoma, pink eye, dysentery, impetigo, measles, malaria, meningitis, mumps, smallpox, and syphilis.

As a punishment, solitary confinement was a standard punishment at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School throughout its run. In 1917, the US attorney’s office inquired about the state of a student suspected of being held in solitary. “I am in receipt of a letter…from Rev. George B. Newcomb…in which he claims that an Indian boy about 18 years old is being held in solitary confinement at the Indian School, and that the punishment is too severe. You will understand, that I am not interfering with you at all, I am simply asking for information and wish you would give me a full statement of the facts. He says the boy has been confined for three weeks, and that he is held in solitary confinement.” Too severe. Despite the lack of psychological studies in the early twentieth century, people even then recognized the immense and irreparable harm that solitary confinement caused.

Cockroaches became a major concern for the Bismarck Indian Boarding School and its doors nearly closed. Sometime in 1921, Superintendent Spear ordered food supplies for his school. It looks like standard fare and was routinely ordered each month. Several hundred pounds of beans, rice, corn, oatmeal, flour, and even cocoa. Later that year, Spear remarked about a cockroach infestation at the school and traced the hoard to a contaminated shipment of flour. He arranged for the entire school to be fumigated and students were able to return after a few weeks. Regarding Cockroach infestation at the boarding schools one “could hear them crunch or pop when you walked across the floorboards.” In the 1920s, pest control technology employed chlordane insecticide to rid homes and buildings of cockroaches and termites. Chlordane was later determined to be carcinogenic.

Life at Bismarck Indian Boarding School wasn’t always dark and gloomy. The city of Bismarck opened its first movie theater circa 1906, the Capitol Theatre, though Spear’s notes mention only that he took students to the Orpheum Theater. Superintendents Spear and Padgett regularly took their students to the movies on Saturday afternoons. Students who misbehaved stayed behind at the school as a punishment. According to Annis, movie field trips were a positive reinforcement, “Out of desperation, it seems, Superintendent Padgett appeared to be using trips to the city of Bismarck to appease these restless and unhappy children. As Bismarck was roughly 2 miles from the location of the Bismarck Indian School, students were allowed to make trips to the city for entertainment purposes, such as attending the movies, but if a student misbehaved, a punishment was to not allow the child to make the trip to town.”

Superintendent Dickinson eventually brought the movies to the Bismarck Indian Boarding School. In 1930, Dickinson arranged to rent a projector and the licenses to show The Whip (1930), a sound drama film, and The California Mail (1929), a silent Western film, at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School for $21.26. It was actually cheaper to do so. A matinee movie ticket in 1930 was on average $0.25. At 125 students it cost the school $31.25 to take them to the Orpheum. The school likely saved even more money by serving their own popcorn and peanuts.

Above, US Indian School, Bismarck, ND. 0125-01, State Historical Society of North Dakota.

Other pastimes included games such as checkers, tiddly wink, table croquet, Parcheesi, ten pins, dominoes, marbles, and readings for dramatic recitation.

The school had a maximum capacity of 135, but it was overcrowded in 1930. Basic facilities were overburdened. Superintendent Mote recorded that students were bunked two to a bed. Annis expresses it best in her work Resistance on The Great Plains about the Bismarck Indian Boarding School, “Aside from the overcrowding, the superintendent referred to the out-dated nature of the facilities, ‘The plumbing, toilets, bath fixtures and lavatories are out of date, out of repair, and should be out of existence.’”

Students resented their cramped quarters. “The buildings were so overcrowded and there was so little room for employees, many of the larger rooms in the main dormitory were used by one employee, leaving the pupils cramped in even smaller rooms.”

Superintendent Padgett reflected on the living conditions of the students and staff. He wasn’t a psychologist but he was so close to understanding the difference between nature and nurture. “The result of such conditions is quite apparent- the children become irritable, discontented and [have] a desire to be somewhere else - no matter where becomes an obsession with them. They commit breeches [sic] of discipline and conduct for which they are punished, and resent the punishment. They cannot understand, like an adult, that they are traveling through a stage of their life which demands that they be taught the proper path to follow, but resent any form of punishment, which if proper conditions existed at this school such punishment would be decreased to a very substantial extent. One punishment leads to another until some pupil and his or her immediate companions get it firmly fixed in their minds that they are being abused and mistreated and that the school is really a jail, and that the only way that they can get their freedom is to run away, go home, and tell their parents and neighbors of the abusive treatment they and their fellow pupils receive at the school. This they tell in order that the parents will not send them back, and the children are not sent back by the parents although the children need the schooling very badly.”

The discipline Padgett, Mote, and Spear employed was reactionary and disproportionate to student conduct, relying on heavy negative consequences suited to punishment in the military. It depended on interpreting Christian mores based on scripture such as Proverbs 13:24, “Those who spare the rod hate their children, but those who love them are diligent to discipline them,” more commonly interpreted as “Spare the rod, spoil the child.”

The application of heavy-handed discipline can be traced back to the founding of the Indian Boarding School program at Carlisle in 1879. There Pratt treated students as if they were little soldiers, and cruelly disciplined them as such. All superintendents saw themselves as god-fearing patriots called to do God’s work. Mote took to heart meeting the spiritual needs of students and rather than just taking them all to one church he felt compelled to take students to the denomination their parents attended. “We are endeavoring to maintain the proper church affiliation for all of our girls in accordance with the desires of the parents and do not permit the girls to change from one church to another without the parents approval.” Mote’s correspondence came out of the concern that a Catholic student wanted to attend services at a Protestant church.

Above, Indian Girls, Indian School Bismarck, ND. 0200-6x8-0222, State Historical Society of North Dakota. 

Native American students were objectified, and there is no clearer statement of this than Captain Richard Henry Pratt’s quote about Indian education, “A great general has said that the only good Indian is a dead one, and that high sanction of his destruction has been an enormous factor in promoting Indian massacres. In a sense, I agree with the sentiment, but only in this: that all the Indian there is in the race should be dead. Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.” The strappings, solitary confinement, and other negative reinforcements were all to do what Pratt so succinctly stated and endorsed.

Runaway students were treated like deserters. Speaking and laughing after vespers was regarded as contempt. Lack of honorifics, a disrespect. How did students cope with this kind of education? Some embraced assimilation.

Regina Whitman (Mandan and Hidatsa) became Catholic, spoke only English, took up piano, and embraced the domestic arts endorsed by the American program that called for women to be stay-at-home wives and mothers. Whitman was not punished or strapped. She was, in fact, grateful for her educational experience at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School and moved on to Flandreau Indian School in South Dakota. In Whitman’s latter days when she worked as a historic guide at Fort Abraham Lincoln State Park where she interpreted her ancestral Mandan heritage through a lens syncretic with her lifelong Catholic faith.

In such an institution one has few choices, none, or bad choices. While some students defied the school and ran away or endured the harsh discipline, and some found their place in the Christian faith, others found solace in alcohol.

Superintendent Mote was careful about his language in a letter to the superintendent of Standing Rock, Mr. E.D. Mossman when addressing the accusations of students getting inebriated at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School, reducing the concerns of a student to hearsay. In the letter, Lizzie Silk’s parents came to the Bismarck Indian Boarding School to remove their daughter. Mote protested, “Yesterday the father of Lizzie Silk came in my office and stated that he wanted to take his daughter home. I told him I did not approve it and that there was no reason for her to go and we could not run a school and accept pupils one day and let them go home the next day without reason.” Except Lizzie had reason. Lizzie informed her parents that she observed girls getting drunk at the school. Then Mrs. Silk came for her daughter. Mote went on to say he “refused permission to her and offered her my suggestions as to cooperation with the school authorities in order to provide proper control of their children left in our charge.”
Above, Indian Girls, Indian School, Bismarck, ND. 0200-6x8-0223, State Historical Society of North Dakota. 

Lizzie had no reason to lie, and seeing that Mote refused to discharge her, Mrs. Silk asked for a general release to take Lizzie shopping and Mote conceded on the promise that Mrs. Silk would return Lizzie before that afternoon’s lessons. “They left,” Mote wrote, “and I have seen nothing of the girl or her parents since and I presume that they have gone on home.” Mote didn’t assuage the Silks’ concern with an affirmation of an investigation. No, Mote issued the impotent threat to Lizzie’s parents that unless they returned her to the school Lizzie would be deprived of any government facilities at the Bismarck Indian Boarding School and his future recommendation for her to any other academic facility.

It would take something big for Superintendent Mote to acknowledge his poor investigative skills, his inattention to the needs of his student, his indiscretion in allowing his wife to take the school car for a cross-country excursion, and his decision to employ his wife in abducting children from the reservation to bolster the school’s roster.

In the spring of 1931, Agnes Everett was removed from the Bismarck Indian Boarding School and placed in the custody of the Mandan Training School. Agnes’ father Mr. Clair Everrett contacted Mote to intervene in Agnes’ placement in Mandan. Mote stated that he had no authority to intervene and reminded Clair that Agnes and other students behaved rather poorly that past January.

On January 3, 1931, Agnes and two other girls “overstayed their Saturday afternoon leave in town and after searching for them several hours we found them at 9:50 PM on the streets of Bismarck in company with three soldiers from Fort Lincoln.” Agnes encountered the soldiers that evening at the railroad station and asked them to take her and her friends to a bar. The men took them to a private residence of one of the soldiers instead, south of the railroad, a soldier Mote noted, of “poor reputation.” They partied for two hours. Mote included himself among the Bismarck City Police and a social worker who searched high and low for Agnes and the girls.

Mote placed no responsibility on the soldiers. “Agnes boldly and maliciously accused an innocent man of taking them to his home.” Wait, didn’t Mote tell us the soldier had a poor reputation? Mote laboriously detailed the poor character of Agnes in the second page of his letter to Claire, insinuating her upbringing and lack of virtue was cultivated at home. Mote must have left the barracks open and unlocked, then shook his fist when Agnes sneaked out the evening of January 19; she was found on the streets of Bismarck again, this time at 11:00 PM. Agnes took off again the night of January 31 with a different girl; Agnes’ presence a corruptive force. Agnes and company returned to the school and broke into the school dispensary and took a bottle of alcohol. Why Agnes wasn’t placed in solitary confinement Mote never says.
Above, Indian Girls, Indian School, Bismarck, ND. Reid Photo. 0200-6x8-0431, State Historical Society of North Dakota. 

“On February 24th she left the dormitory without permission at 7:30 P.M. taking two young girls with her and although we searched thoroughly to find them, we were not able to locate them until one o’clock in the morning [spelling out here to maximize outrage] on the streets of Mandan very much intoxicated.” The letter is lengthy, dramatic, and written without paragraph breaks. He wasn’t done recounting Agnes Everett’s Day Off either.

Agnes and company caught the bus to Mandan and there met up with some men who took them on a drive out in the country and “made indecent proposals to them,” but Mote goes no further there and brings it back to Agnes and her friends returning to Mandan only to get in a coupe with two other men with whom they reached their midnight drunken state. When Morton County authorities caught Agnes, Mote says she falsely accused the second set of men of giving them alcohol. According to Mote, Agnes was angry at the men without motive, and Agnes now a proven habitual liar.

Not content with incriminating Agnes, Mote established himself on the high horse of his morals and values, “If this is not sufficient for some disciplinary, then I have my code of social ethics all wrong…I feel fully justified in urging you to not think of endeavoring to obtain Agnes [sic] release and I assure you that I cannot conscientiously assist you in any such plan for the present.” Mote concludes his letter to Clair with a faux olive branch, “I am perfectly willing to accept her back at this school when it appears reasonable that she has benefited by her stay at Mandan.” Mote’s letter practically glows with self-satisfaction, “Two months over there is of very little no value in judging habits and ideas as indicated by the conduct of Agnes during her stay here this past winter.”

On March 20, 1931, Mote revisited his code of moral ethics regarding the soldiers from the January incident and recognized that the soldiers buying students alcohol and taking them to a private residence was of poor reputation after all and pressed charges on Mr. Jack Pierce and Mr. Jess Jones.

Mote’s letter to Col. McNamara, the commanding officer of the Fort Lincoln Detention Facility, indicates knowledge of a continuing practice of soldiers “loitering and camping on the hillside near the school, spending many nights out here, and inducing our young Indian girls to sneak out of the girls dormitory to meet the soldiers in the dead of night and spend hours there on their blanket rolls, a practice which has been going on more or less for a year or more.”

Mote’s high moral ethics were not sufficiently challenged in that time. He was comfortable with the arrangement until the police and a social worker began an investigation.

Being the exemplar of North Dakota Nice, Mote informed McNamara that he considered additional charges “against several more of the soldiers who have been molesting our Indian girls. But it is not my desire to stir up things any more than is absolutely essential for the proper protection of our girls. I have come to the conclusion that for the present it might be best for me to take no further action.”

On March 28, 1931, Mote received a letter from the US Attorney requesting the presence of the young Indian girls to testify against the soldiers who bought the girls alcohol that January. Perhaps sensing apprehension from Mote to bring the girls to Fargo, US Attorney Peter Garberg offered to pay for all expenses.

Mote believed the example of two men facing charges would dissuade the soldiers from bringing their bedrolls to the hillside by the school. It did not. On December 9, 1931, Mote posted an internal memorandum about Vitalyn Fournier, Rachel Young, and Evelyn White Thunder, to restrict them. These three young girls left the dormitory without permission “last Saturday evening about 7:00 P.M. and returning about 1:30 or 2:00 A.M. after meeting some soldiers, [and] riding with them to a deserted house.”

The Bureau of Indian Affairs determined that the Bismarck Indian Boarding School would close and terminate funding in the spring term of 1937. Mote issued an official announcement himself, “This school has had widespread influence in the lives of many Indian young people in this area. You and we are proud and happy over the courage and sturdy character this school has helped to develop in young Indian lives.”

In 1921 Superintendent Padgett wrote that the Bismarck Indian Boarding School “is virtually a jail for the pupils and they soon consider that they are merely doing time until the end of the school year when perhaps they will be let out and go to their homes.”

In summary, under Supt. Spear the institution began as a school. It transformed into a jail under Supt. Padgett’s watch. Supt. Mote operated the school as a sex ring.

The Bismarck Indian Boarding School operated from 1908 to 1937.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Annis, Amber A. “Resistance On The Great Plains: The Bismarck Indian School, Resistance On The Great Plains: The Bismarck Indian School, 1916-1921” (thesis, 2012).

Calloway, Colin. First Peoples: A Documentary Survey of American Indian History, Fourth Edition (Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin, 2012).

Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center, accessed April 24, 2024, https://carlisleindian.dickinson.edu/teach/kill-indian-him-and-save-man-r-h-pratt-education-native-americans.

Goodhouse, D. Conversation with Azure, personal, March 13, 2024.

     Conversation about Boarding School with relatives, personal, April 21, 2024.

Lajimodiere, Denise K. Stringing Rosaries: The History, the Unforgivable, and the Healing of Northern Plains American Indian Boarding School Survivors (Fargo, ND: North Dakota State University Press, 2021).

Pasquarello, Thomas, “22 the Great Depression and Its Effects on the Movie ...,” Digital Commons @ West Chester University, 2007, https://digitalcommons.wcupa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1094&context=hist_wchest.

Robinson, William, “The German Cockroach: A History,” http://www.pctonline.com, July 22, 2021, https://www.pctonline.com/news/the-german-cockroach-a-history-robinson/.

Records of the Standing Rock Agency. The Bismarck Indian School. Bureau of Indian Affairs. Record Group 75. National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives- Central Plains Region, Kansas City, Missouri.


Tuesday, February 27, 2024

Flowers Speak Again in Inspired Dakota Floral Alphabet

The First Flute Song (above) is written in the Dakhóta Floral alphabet. The song was sung by the late Kevin Locke.

Dakhóta Floral Iyá
Flowers Speak Again
By Dakota Wind

Long ago, the Ochéti Shakówiŋ said that the flowers used to speak to people. When they walked by the Prairie Rose she used to call out "Haŋ!" A bashful flower, she stopped greeting the people when they didn't hear her or ignored her.

The Ochéti Shakówiŋ revered the flowers of their traditional homelands from the lakes and woodlands to the vast open plain. Many of their traditional medicines are taken from plants and bushes that blossom. Flowers were never picked just because they were beautiful. They also say that the rainbows are the spirits of last season's flowers. They beautify places and make the air sweet.

A guide (above) explains the flowers used to construct the Dakhóta Floral alphabet. 

In August 2021, I was inspired by the revival of the Dakhóta Floral tradition in beadwork, quillwork, ribbon dresses, and graphic media. One night I dreamt of flowers too. I sketched out flowers and vines in a linear fashion left to right but the execution never seemed natural. Then a reader contacted me about the direction of thought and communication. Dakhóta Floral patterns are stacked. It became obvious that I needed to change the direction to capture the design elements of this tradition. It needed to be vertical.

It may seem impractical to have complicated characters representing sounds in this alphabet. The designs and patterns in Dakhóta Floral are thought out and reflected upon, however, and are carefully applied in practice onto the medium of leather, paper, cloth, etc. It is a mindful practice to beautify an everyday apparel or tool.

A key (above) to the Dakhóta Floral Iya. Image by author.

After drafting the characters on paper, I constructed them in a desktop publisher program, created an account at Calligraphr, imported the alphabet in their format, and the online app created the font and file. The font will not automatically type vertically in your Word doc. Here are the steps I take to use this font.

Download the True Type Dakhota Floral here. Download the Open Type Dakhota Floral here.

After installing the Dakhóta Floral font for Windows users:
1. Create text boxes. You can adjust them as you go along.
2. Write your Lakhota text in the Txakini orthography.
3. Select your text and change the font to Dakhóta Floral.
4. Adjust your text box/es so that one letter is on one line, one letter atop the other.
5. Adjust your paragraph spacing "after" to "0 point." Adjust your line spacing to whatever you are comfortable with. I set mine to "multiple" at "0.85."

Here's a reading from Genesis 1:11 (above) transcribed from the Bible History in the Language of the Teton Sioux Indians (1924). By author.

Wednesday, December 6, 2023

Cannonball-Missouri Confluence Meets National Criteria

The Cannonball River looking west of the Albert Grass Memorial Bridge on the Morton-Sioux county line. Photo by author.
The Cannonball-Missouri Confluence
Site Meets National Historical Criteria
by Dakota Wind
The Cannonball-Missouri River confluence is host to over a dozen archaeological and historical occupations and events over the course of the past one thousand years. The many documented and verified stories of place meet the qualifications for National Historic Site or National Memorial status. For your consideration, here is a bullet point list to pique your interest followed by a series of figures and narrative expanding on the occupations and events. You can access the complete document here.

* The Ochéti Shakówiŋ (the Great Sioux Nation) and the Late Woodlands Period (circa 500-1000 CE)

* The Mandan Indians and Cannonball River Phase circa 1200-1450 CE

* The Cheyenne Occupation circa 1700-1803 CE

* The Cheyenne-Lakhóta Conflict circa 1762-1763 CE

* Fort Jupiter, an English Trade Post established circa 1798 CE

* The Upper Missouri River intertribal conflicts of the 1790s

* The Corps of Discovery stop in October 1804

* The Historic Spring Flood of 1825

* The Arikara-Lakhóta Conflict of 1835-1836

* The Historic Smallpox Epidemic of 1837

* The Assiniboine-Lakhóta Conflict of 1862-1863

* The Historic Cannonball Ranch circa 1864 through 1913

* The 1864 Punitive Campaign led by General Alfred Sully

* The 1866-1867 winter camp of the Húŋkpapa Lakhóta

Why Is Water So Sacred To The Ochéti Shakówiŋ People?

Figure 1. Íŋyaŋ possessed all powers then and the powers were in his blood, and his blood was blue, by Thomas Simms, from Otokahekaġapi (First Beginnings): Sioux Creation Story (1987). According to the creation narrative recalled by Deacon Ben Black Bear, Jr., “Íŋyaŋ kaŋ ki iyúha glugxáŋ chá txá wé ki hinápxe na txá wówash’ake ki hinápe wé ki ogxéya na makxá iháŋke ki kagxé. Txawé ki mní ki é eyásh tawówash’ake ki mní etáŋ ihxéyab okáx iyáyiŋ na Makxá ki itxá’okashaŋ ich’íchagxe Niyáŋ iyéchel. (Íŋyaŋ [Stone] opened all of his veins and his blood left him and Íŋyaŋ saw that all his powers went from him in his blood and formed the edge of Makxá [the World]. His blood became the waters but the powers flowed outward from the waters and formed around Makxá as the spirit).” The Ochéti Shakówiŋ spoken term for Water is Life is Mní Wichóni. Water has a long association with the creation narrative as the source of life according to the Ochéti Shakówiŋ. 

How Far Back Does The Historic Record Reach?

 

Figure 2. The image above is taken from Garrick Mallory’s Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (1894), plate no. XXI. Pictograph labeled “A” in this image recalls the cycle of time from circa 901 CE to circa 930 CE recorded by the traditional Lakhóta historian Battiste Good, also known as High Hawk. This pictograph recalls the earliest record of time when White Buffalo Calf Woman brought the Gift of the Sacred Pipe to the Ochéti Shakówiŋ people.

This pictographic record reaches back to the the Late Woodlands Period (circa 500 CE to 1000 CE) and overlaps with the Cannonball River Phase of Mandan Indian Occupation (circa 1200 CE to 1400 CE). 

The Ancestral Ochéti Shakówiŋ Presence



Figure 3. On the bluff located near the center of section 17 of this map is the stone feature Íŋyaŋ Chaŋgléshka Wakxáŋ Shakówiŋ, or the “Seven Medicine Stone Circles.” According to Tim Mentz, Sr., former THPO for the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, the ancestral Ochéti Shakówiŋ came together in communal prayer within these stone circles. The Seven Medicine Stone Circles are a physical record of the kind of prayer, the Haŋblécheyapi, or “Vision Quest,” that was held from four to seven days before the sundance held on the floodplain in sections 16 and 15. 

According to Black Elk, when the White Buffalo Calf Woman brought the Gift of the Sacred Pipe, she also gave a sphere of pipestone upon which were carved seven circles representative of the seven rites of prayer. The Seven Medicine Stone Circles at this location also represent these same seven sacred rites.

The Mandan Indians held their annual sundance in this same vicinity when they lived in their Big River Village in the Late Woodland period, or Cannonball River Phase circa 1200 CE. The Cheyenne who came to live on the north bank of the Cannonball River at the turn of 1700 held their annual sundance here until they moved west at the turn of 1800. See figure 16.

The Nu'Eta (Mandan) Occupation


Figure 4. Sitting Rabbit’s Map (1905). The Nu’Eta (Mandan) term for the Cannonball River is Aashihdia, or “Big River.” The Mandan occupation on the south bank of the Cannonball River is labeled as Aashihdiatis, or “Big River Village.” This unfortified south bank village had as many as forty-five rectangular earthlodges in an area of about seventeen acres and was occupied from between circa 1200-1450. The Cannonball River Village on the north bank is part of the Huff Phase in which the Mandan constructed palisades and fortification ditches around their villages. According to Dr. Elizabeth Fenn, the Cannonball River villages mark the earliest times when the Mandan practiced the Okipa ceremony as it was practiced in late historic times. State Historical Society of North Dakota. OCLC number 958911859.

The English Came To Trade


Figure 5. Title [Map of Missouri River and vicinity from Saint Charles, Missouri, to Mandan villages of North Dakota: used by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark in their 1804 expedition up Missouri River] (1798). John Evans recorded the Cannonball River as the “Bomb River” on his map of the Missouri River. Evans operated a trading post on the north bank of the Cannonball River in the 1790s. Library of Congress Geography and Map Division Washington, D.C. 20540-4650 USA dcu. Call number G4127.M5 1798 .F5.

The Corps of Discovery Record Their Visit


Figure 6. Title [A map of Lewis and Clark's track, across the western portion of North America from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean : by order of the executive of the United States in 1804, 5 & 6] (1814). The Corps of Discovery recorded the Cannonball River on their map. On Oct. 18, 1804, Meriwether Lewis ordered his men to take a cannonball concretion to use as an anchor for their keelboat. Note the historical occupation of the Teton (
Lakhóta speaking “Sioux” Indians) in the vicinity of the Cannonball River; the “Saone,” or Saúŋ, was the historic and cultural term for the northern divisions of Teton known today as Húŋkpapa, Mnikówozhu, Itázipcho, and Oóhenuŋpa; the Saúŋ occupied both sides on this stretch of the Missouri River. Library of Congress Geography and Map Division Washington, D.C. 20540-4650 USA dcu. Call number G4126.S12 1814 .L4. 

Intertribal Conflict On The Upper Missouri River



Figure 7. The Pictographic Bison Robe, at the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University, MA, details the intertribal conflicts amongst the Arikara, Mandan, Hidstsa, Hunkpapa Lakota, and Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna (Yanktonai) Dakhóta in the Heart River and Cannonball River area along the Missouri River during the 1790s. This same robe details one of many conflicts between the tribes of the Upper Missouri River which concluded in the 1803 Battle of Heart River, which saw the expansion of the Hunkpapa territory. This conflict is remembered in the Drifting Goose Winter Count (aka John K. Bear Winter Count) as Tha Chaŋté Wakpa ed okhíchize, or “There was a battle at Heart River.” The expansion of 
Húŋkpapa territory north of the Cannonball River is significant. This territorial boundary is recognized in the 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard, MA. Call number PM 99-12-10/53121. 

The Cheyenne Start A Fire


Figure 8. This image represents the intertribal conflict between the Teton 
Lakhóta and the Cheyenne in the winter of 1762-1763. That year a band of Lakhóta fought the Cheyenne at the mouth of the Cannonball River. The Cheyenne were living on the north bank of the Cannonball River, occupying the same bank and site that the Mandan had previously lived on. The Cheyenne retaliated and set fire to the prairie grass. The Lakhóta sought to outrun the prairie fire and fled up the Long Lake Creek, present-day Badger Creek, located in Emmons County, ND. The fire caught up to the Lakhóta and burned them about their legs, the survivors jumped into Long Lake. When they emerged they became known as Sicháŋgu, or “Burnt Thighs.” The late Albert White Hat Sr. (Rosebud; Sicháŋgu), recalled the oral tradition of the Sicháŋgu as taking place in the Bismarck region. The conflict which resulted in the formation of the Sicháŋgu began at the mouth of the Cannonball River. The identity of one of the tribes of the Ochéti Shakówiŋ tied to this location is significant. Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution (1880), page 692.

The Historic Spring Flood Of 1825


Figure 9. The third entry of the Medicine Bear Winter Count (top row, third from left; #3) recalls 1825 as Mniwíchat'e, or “They drowned.” The Húŋkpapa were camped on the bottomland known as “Gayton’s Crossing,” opposite the mouth of Cannonball River. During the night the ice jam broke and the bottomlands suddenly flooded. They lost about thirty lodges, or about 150 people, and many of their horses to this flood. This event is recorded in other Húŋkpapa and Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna winter counts such as Blue Thunder, Long Soldier, High Dog, No Two Horns, and the Chandler-Porht at the same location. Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College, Concord, NH. Call number 2009.65. 

Arikara-
Lakhóta Trade Ends In Fight


Figure 10. The thirty-fifth entry on the Long Soldier Winter Count recalls the winter of 1835-1836 when the Arikara made camp on the Cannonball River. The 
Lakhóta went to trade with them for corn, and the Arikara killed six of the Lakota. The lodge in this image represents the immovable camp of the Arikara at the approach of the Lakhóta. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution. Call number 11/6720. 

The Historic Smallpox Epidemic Of 1837


Figure 11. An entry from the Medicine Bear Winter Count which recalls the 1837 smallpox epidemic that swept the Northern Great Plains. Several winter counts recall this year, all with similar depictions of a figure covered in marks like this image above.

The High Dog Winter Count, Blue Thunder Winter Count, and the Long Soldier Winter Count, an interview by Mamie Wade (daughter of pioneer rancher William Wade) of Lakhota elder Annie Sky, and the first-hand story remembered by Annie Sky’s granddaughter Dr. Harriet Sky, the Húnkpapa were camped on the bottomland at the Cannonball-Missouri Confluence when smallpox struck.

The High Dog Winter Count and Blue Thunder Winter Count are in the collections at the State Historical Society of North Dakota. The Medicine Bear Winter Count is in the collections at Dartmouth College in New Hampshire. A copy of the Long Soldier Winter Count is available for viewing at the Sitting Bull College Library. Mamie Wade’s interview is available to read in the book Paha Sapa Tawoyake: Wade’s Stories by William Wade.

North Dakota Studies identifies the steamboat St. Peters, a trading vessel, that brought the historic 1837 smallpox epidemic to the Northern Great Plains. Access The 1837 Smallpox Epidemic article.

Assiniboine-Lakhóta Fight Among Sacred Stones


Figure 12. An entry from the Long Soldier Winter Count which recalls the winter of 1862-1863 as the year when twenty Assiniboine came on the warpath, there was a battle at the Cannonball River, and the Assiniboine hid behind the cannonball concretions. The circle tells us that the Assiniboine were surrounded and fired upon. The fox image which overlays the Assiniboine tells us they fought with guile. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution. Call number 11/6720.

Enter: General Alfred Sully, And The 1864 Campaign


Figure 13. On July 29, 1864, after spending two weeks hastily constructing Fort Rice, General Sully took his command of 2200 soldiers, which included a detachment of Winnebago Indian scouts, and ascended the Cannonball River on the south bank, his punitive campaign on the Isáŋyathi Dakhóta anew. Sully also marched against the 
Lakhóta (Húŋkpapa, Mnikówozhu, Itázipcho, and Oóhenuŋpa), and Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna Dakota, two Siouan groups who had nothing to do with the 1862 Minnesota Dakhóta Conflict. Sully received a dispatch from Fort Rice at midnight on July 22 that the Dakȟóta were on the Knife River. The next day Sully’s command crossed the Cannonball River near present-day communities of Porcupine and Shields, ND. Capt. Seth Eastman, Fort Rice (1864). https://history.army.mil/html/artphoto/pripos/eastman.html

1864 Campaign Began At Cannonball River



Figure 14. Map of General Alfred Sully’s 1864 punitive campaign in Dakota Territory. Rev. Louis Pfaller, O.S.B., from Capt. H. von Mindon of Sully’s Northwest Expedition. Sully’s Expedition of 1864 featuring the Battles of Killdeer Mountain and the Badlands Battles. https://www.history.nd.gov/pdf/Sully%201864%20by%20Pfaller1.pdf. Pages 24 & 25.

Wounded Leader Walks To Winter Camp At Cannonball


Figure 15. An entry from the Long Soldier Winter Count indicates that the 
Húŋkpapa were camped at the Cannonball River in 1866-67. Gall was taken by soldiers that winter to Fort Berthold where they stabbed him. Gall was left for dead and the camp moved on. What makes this tale remarkable is that Gall walked to the Húŋkpapa camp at the Cannonball River and recovered. He later fought at the Battle of the Little Bighorn. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution. Call number 11/6720.

The Historic Cannonball Ranch



Figure 16. In 1999, the Cannonball Ranch was inducted into the North Dakota Cowboy Hall of Fame. It’s one of the oldest ranches in North Dakota. According to the ND Cowboy of Fame, the ranch served as a gathering point as early as 1865. The ranch included a hotel, a general store, a ferry crossing, a steamboat landing and fueling station, a military telegraph station for Fort Rice, and a stage line to the Black Hills in the 1870’s and 1880s. The ranch also included two houses, a barn, a blacksmith shop, a bunk-house, an ice house, a laundry, and tennis court.

The North Dakota Cowboy Hall of Fame’s strict criteria for eligibility to be recognized is that a ranch must have been “instrumental in creating or developing the ranching business, traditions, and lifestyles of North Dakota’s western heritage and livestock industry.”

State Historical Society of North Dakota (1952-00057). Frank B. Fiske Photograph Collection 1952. Call number 958906935.

An Archaeologist Makes An Observation


Figure 17. An aerial perspective of the north bank of the Cannonball River looking southwest. The Mandan Indian village (circa 1250 to 1400) is visible. The DAPL drill pad and earthen fort was erected on this site in 2016. According to the late Dr. Ray Wood, a world-renowned Missouri River archaeologist, John Evans trade post also occupied this locale. Evan referred to this site as “Jupiter’s Fort.” Prologue to Lewis and Clark: The MacKay and Evans Expeditions, University of Oklahoma Press; Norman, OK. 2003. Page 111. Photo by Ray Wood (1955), State Historical Society of North Dakota.

Village, Camp, Sundance, And Internment 


Figure 18. The bluff in section 10 of this map is the location of the Mandan Indian village. Section 9 is the location of the historic Cannonball Ranch. Section 15 & 16 is the location of the winter camp of the 
Húŋkpapa people; it was the location some summers where they had sundance. This floodplain is where the Húŋkpapa, buried an estimated 150 people who drowned in the spring flood of 1825.

Historic Spring Flood Of 1825 Remembered


Figure 19. The highlighted area on the eastern floodplain of the historic Missouri River is where the 
Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna camped in the winter of 1824-1825. In 1878, the Húŋkpapa chief, Ishtá Sápa (“Black Eye/s”), met with William Wade, a cattle rancher on the Cannonball River, and shared this about the terrible 1825 flood: “...we camped on this bottom land just below here...it was the Wolf Month [February] and it had been warm for a long time. One night the water started coming in over the ground from the river and before we could get to higher ground we were surrounded by water and ice chunks. Our only chance was to get to high ground before we would all be covered up with water. We tried to carry our tepees and supplies but finally had to leave them and many of the women were drowned trying to save their children. Most all our old people drowned and many others. Most all our horses went under and you can still see their heads (skulls) laying [sic] along at the foot of the hills after so many, many years. Two Bears (Mathó Núŋpa) a Yankton chief [sic], saved the lives of several women and children by carrying them from camp to the higher ground.”

The people were buried where they drowned. The line of horses were buried in a line where they were picketed. The area that Two Bears refers to is known to locals now as Etú Phá Shúŋg T’á, or “Dead Horse Head Point.” The northeast quarter of section 22 is called “The Point,” where locals once gathered on the bank overlooking the place where their relatives and horses were laid to rest.

Archaeologist Identifies Another Source


Figure 20. A screen capture of an email sent to then ND State Archaeologist Mr. Paul Picha regarding missing information in the DAPL Class III survey. Mr. Picha not only confirmed the missing information but included another source regarding the 1825 spring flood. The narrative that Mr. Picha pushed that there is nothing there is false. Picha is aware of people and horses buried at this location following this flood.

President Extends Reservation


Figure 21. On March 16, 1875, President Grant extended the boundary of the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation east of the Missouri River along Beaver Creek to the fork of South Beaver Creek then a straight line south to the 
Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna reservation. The Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna reservation was established by President Grant’s executive order the same day Standing Rock was extended. U.S. General Land Office, Dakota Territory, 1876.

The Three Star Reservation


Figure 22. The Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation in Sioux County and Emmons County, North Dakota. This map is based on the 1876 General Land Office Map with President Grant’s executive order. About 628 square miles were added to the Standing Rock Agency. According to Mr. Robert Taken Alive, the Standing Rock extension on the east side of the Missouri River was known as the “Three Star Reservation,” recollection of a personal interview with “Old Man Stretches,” Aug. 1991. The term “Three Star” may be a reference to Major General George Crook. Map by author.

The land east of the Missouri was never ceded nor a treaty signed. President Cleveland signed the 1889 Indian Appropriations Act into law and opened "unassigned" lands for sale to settlers under tenants of the 1863 Homestead Act.

Territory Determined By Tribes Changed By Congress


Figure 23. Jesuit missionary Fr. Pierre-Jean De Smet, who served as a translator at the 1851 Fort Laramie Treaty, drew a map by hand demarcating the boundaries of the Thíthuŋwaŋ Lakhóta which extended to the Heart River. Map of the upper Great Plains and Rocky Mountains region, 1851. http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.gmd/g4050.ct000883. Call number 2005630226.


Tuesday, October 10, 2023

The Solar Eclipse is A Moment of Redemption

Above, "Mahpíya Yaphéta," or "Cloud On Fire," it says in the Leroy Curley Lakhota Alphabet. Curley's alphabet is inspired by the phases of the sun and moon. This image depicts the solar eclipse in the first character of the first word. For more examples check click on The First Scout on Instagram.
The Sun Dies, or Cloud On Fire
Solar Eclipse Moment of Redemption

By Dakota Wind

In order to understand the Lakhóta perspective of the solar eclipse, we need to give some attention to the Lakhóta understanding of the universe. In 1987, Ben Black Bear, Jr., translated Thomas Simms’ Otókahekagapi (First Beginnings): Sioux Creation Story. Simms transcribed and illustrated this narrative.

The Mysteries of the Universe

The Lakhota creation story recalls Háŋ, a great lasting darkness, but Háŋ was not a being, at least not yet. Waiting there in the deep quiet was Íŋyaŋ, an ancient stone whose spirit was Wakháŋ Tháŋka, the Great Spirit.

Íŋyaŋ grew lonely and longed for another, but he knew for that to happen that he would have to take from himself. Íŋyaŋ said aloud the first sound, “Nuŋwé,” meaning “So be it!” He opened his being and drew forward his own blood which flowed about him becoming the waters, and this great sphere he called Makhá, the Earth. The power that emanated from Íŋyaŋ became Shkáŋ, a principle of Movement.

After some great time Makhá became saddened that she was not a separate being apart from Íŋyaŋ; she was disheartened in the eternal void too, but Íŋyaŋ could not placate her because his power left him. They petitioned Shkáŋ to intervene in their dispute and he agreed to serve them as judge.

Shkáŋ could not divide Makhá from Íŋyaŋ, but he could offer her a respite from the dark and so he created light. Makhá determined that she didn’t want just light but warmth as well, so Shkáŋ reached into himself, reached into Íŋyaŋ, reached into Makhá, and took a portion from all including the waters and created Wí, the Sun. Háŋ retreated to the edge of light.

Shkáŋ instructed Wí to shine, give heat, and make shadow. Wí did as he was bid and the world became hot where there was no shade. Makhá had no relief from the heat of Wí and became miserable so she petitioned Shkáŋ to bring Háŋ back. Shkáŋ determined that Háŋ would would alternate their company with Makhá, and Makhá would have relief from the heat of Wí. Shkáŋ determined that Aŋp, the early light, would run ahead of Wí when he returned, thus day followed night.

Shkáŋ gave names to these first two times calling day Aŋpétu, and night Haŋyétu.

Above, the four superior mysteries of creation "Wi, Skan, Maka, Inyan" by Thomas E. Simms.

Thus, the four principle mysteries had come into existence. These four are the world and of the world: Íŋyaŋ, Makhá, Shkáŋ, and Wí. All acknowledge the one superior spirit above all, Wakháŋ Tháŋka, the Great Spirit.

An Interpretation of the Mysteries

Royal Hassrick, author of The Sioux: Life and Customs of a Warrior Society, offers an interpretation of the principle mysteries and their associates. Íŋyaŋ, is the ancestor of all, and serves as advocate of authority and patron of the arts; Makhá, the protector of the home and mother of all that lives; Shkáŋ, the source of power and movement, and authority of the principle mysteries and all spirits; Wí, the patron of four core virtues including bravery, fortitude, generosity, and fidelity.

Hassrick does not offer a narrative explaining how the four associates were created. It is understood that these four associates were created in balance at the moment each was needed. The associate/s of Íŋyaŋ is Wakíŋyaŋ, the Thunderbeing/s with glances of lightning and patron/s of cleanliness. The associate of Makhá is Wóopxe, meaning “Law,” the daughter of Wí and Haŋwí, known as The Beautiful One, she is the matron of harmony and pleasure. The associate of Shkáŋ is Txaté, the Wind who guides the seasons and admits the spirits onto Wanágxi Txacháŋku, the Spirit Road which is the Milky Way. The associate of Wí is Haŋwí, the Moon, who set time.

Others came into existence too. An old man called Wazíya (Pine),his wife Wakáŋaka (Elderly), and their daughter Ité (Face) who was so beautiful that she was called by her face. Captivated by the beauty of Ité, Txaté made her his wife and together they had five sons: Wozíya, the North Wind and first-born, known for his cruelty and temper; Yatá, the West Wind and second born, exuberant and high-spirited; Yaŋpá, the East Wind and third born, and weakest of the Four Winds; Okágxa, the South Wind, who is in perpetual conflict with Wozíya; Yumní, the Whirlwind, playful, yet destructive.

Another of those who came to be was Iŋktómi, the Trickster, who is always ready to promote discontent, anxiety, ridicule, and disharmony among people and creation. Iŋktómi interjected himself into the lives of Wazíya, Wakáŋaka, and Ité, and cultivated the idea that they could have better lives if Ité became the wife of Wí, never mind that Ité was already married with children.

At a feast where all were invited to the lodge of Haŋwí. It is important to note that the principle mysteries and their associates all had predetermined places around the fire, but Ité arrived to the gathering early and saw the place beside Wí open, the very place of Haŋwí, and Ité chose that moment to sit beside Wí.

Wí was taken by the beauty and charm of Ité and was gratified at her close presence. When Haŋwí arrived she saw that Ité had appropriated her place beside her husband Haŋwí drew her shawl over her face to hide her shame from everyone who laughed at her predicament; Iŋktómi laughed the loudest of all.

A Different, Yet Traditional Interpretation

The late Kevin Locke (Standing Rock), a traditional storyteller and fluteplayer, offered a unique variation that differs from the narrative that Hassrick shares after the feast of creation.

After the feast, Shkáŋ called a council and asked for the perspectives from Wí, Haŋwí, Wazíya, Wakáŋaka, and Ité. Wí and Haŋwí argued long and great. When Wí argued his light and heat caused the waters of the world to dry and earth to crack, stars fell and struck the world. When Haŋwí argued darkness and cold enveloped the world, water flooded the earth. Back and forth they argued until creation was nearly undone. Shkáŋ intervened and drew their attention to the destruction they caused, then he passed judgment on all involved.

Wí, determined Shkáŋ, would forever be sundered from Haŋwí, never to know her comfort again. Wí would rule the day and Haŋwí the night. There might be occasion when Wí and Haŋwí appear in the sky together, but on those occasions when Wí approached Haŋwí she should draw her shawl over her face in shame. Then Shkáŋ turned his attention to Ité and ruled that because of her vanity, dereliction of her responsibility as a mother and wife, her sons would be removed from her. Shkáŋ allowed Ité to keep her beauty but only one half of her face would remain attractive, the other half would be so terribly scarred that anyone who looked at her would be terrified or driven insane. From that day forward she became known as Anúŋg Ité, the Double Faced Woman. Iŋktómi would never know friendship.

Wí was thoroughly repentant of his behavior and sought forgiveness from Haŋwí. Both Wí and Haŋwí expressed their love for one another before Shkáŋ; both were aware and aggrieved at the destruction they brought to the world.

Above, "Aŋbháŋkeya Wí," or "The Moon of Half-Day Half-Night." By author. 

Shkáŋ was moved by their sincere remorse and amended his judgment. On one day in a moon cycle would Haŋwí show her face to Wí. On the day of the full moon, as the moon rises and as the sun goes down, Wí reaches across the heavens to his eternal love Haŋwí with song, and if one listens carefully, one would hear:

Iyéhaŋtu wíŋ taŋyáŋ hinápha nuŋwé
Haŋhépi Wí taŋyáŋ hinápha nuŋwé
Makhá iyúzhaŋzhaŋyaŋ taŋyáŋ inápaya nuŋwé

Now you are coming out in a beautiful way
It is night and you are coming out
As you appear your beautiful light shines upon the world


Shkáŋ determined that Wí should never forget his indiscretion with Ité and so now and then the sun dies and the darkness envelopes his light. The Lakhóta have a few terms to express this understanding: Wi’té (The Sun Died) and Wi’kté (The Sun was killed [by Darkness]). When an eclipse happens, some Lakhóta shout and fire their guns into the sky. When the sun returns they say he is renewed.

The Húŋkpapha and Iháŋkthuŋwaŋna light their pipes and pray for the sun’s renewal, but also for a renewal in their fellow human beings. They call the eclipse Mahpíya Yaphéta, or “Cloud On Fire,” in reference to the sun’s corona visible around the moon.

Some Dakhóta know it is the moon that eclipses the sun and call this occlusion Wakhápaye, which means “Of a singular appearance.” If the sun and moon could come together for one spectacular moment of redemption it seems that we could all forgive one another.

Many Terms for Solar Eclipse

Just as there are many divisions of the Ochéthi Shakówiŋ, there are many traditional terms for a solar eclipse. Here are a few. 

On August 7, 1869, a full solar eclipse darkened the Great Plains. Ten Lakhóta winter counts from all seven Thítuŋwaŋ (Teton) tribes remember this outstanding event. Nearly all remember the event as Wí’kte (The Sun was Killed) or Wi'te (The Sun Died). 

An earlier eclipse, this one in the 1830s, is remembered by the Huŋkpapa Lakhóta as Mahphíya Yaphéta, or “Cloud On Fire.” The Huŋkpapa leader is named for this event, as was his son in turn. Fire Cloud later fought at the Little Bighorn. 

A friend of mine shared a conversation with me between her and her father, Mr. Warren Horse Looking. Mr. Horse Looking explained the eclipse as the sun disappearing. In Lakhóta: Aŋpétuwí Tókxax'aŋ (Disappearing Sun).

A friend's uncle back on Standing Rock refers to the eclipse as Wí’
áta, which translates as "Sun Entire." Áta serves as an intensifier in many sentences, as to say here, "completely," or "greatly." Perhaps even here, it could mean a full solar eclipse. 

My haŋkáshi (female cousin) Leslie (Sisseton-Wahpeton Oyate; Dakota), shared with me that she learned eclipse as "Khaphéye," a contraction of Wakhápheye, which means "Of A Singular Appearance," which I think beautifully explains the sun and moon during a solar eclipse.

The people who put out the New Lakota Dictionary have had different terms for the solar eclipse throughout the years. In their first and second editions, their entry was Aóhanziya, meaning "To Cast Shadow Upon." In the third edition the entry is now Aŋpáwi Aíyokpaze, which means "The Day Becomes Dark Like Evening." 

Aháŋzi: Shadow

Aŋpáwi Aíyokpaze: The Day Becomes Dark Like Evening

Aŋpétuwí Tókxax'aŋi: Disappearing Sun

Aóhanziya: To Cast Shadow Upon

Mahphíya Yaphéta: Cloud on Fire

Wakhápheya: Of A Singular Appearance

Wí’
áta: The Sun Entire

Wí’kte: The Sun was Killed

Wí’te: The Sun Died (also for New Moon)

Some Dakhota say that when an eclipse happens it portended a great calamity like disease or war. In older times, some Lakhota said that a great Uŋktegxi swallows the sun, killing him. Most say the sun dies and awakens to life. Other Lakhota say the eclipse is a profound moment of renewal, prayer, and reflection; they take their pipes out, load them, light them, and pray for others. 

Monday, October 2, 2023

Remembering Phil Baird

 

Phil Baird coming out of the gate astride Boots, a Pete Long Brake horse.

Wanblí Wichásha Wókiksuye
Remembering Phil Baird (Eagle Man)

By Dakota Wind

Wanblí Wicháshala tókhi éyaye hé? Thíyata oníchilapelo. Uŋmá echíyataŋhaŋ iyáye. Waŋná Chaŋkú Wanágxi maní. Chaŋkú Txó oówaŋyaŋg washté ománi. Tóksha akhé waŋchíyaŋkiŋ kte ló.


Where have you gone Eagle Man? They have called you home. You have gone on to the other side. Now you walk the Spirit Road. You walk on the beautiful Blue Road. I will see you again for certain.

Anyone who has met the late Dr. Phil Baird left their conversation with him with a deeper appreciation for horses, bison, education, and the Lakota Way of Life. A wonderful listener, the flow of conversation was never about him. Lekshí Phil cultivated mutual interests in art, music, the pursuit of higher education, and history most of all.

Lekshí loved family. He spoke of his daughters with soaring pride and held his grandchildren with such a great abiding affection his warmth was like a fire. Lekshí loved making relatives. If anyone knew him a winter or longer, he was happy to call one friend or family. His self-assuredness was not boastful. The respect he held for others was like the very Breath of Life he shared with horses, somehow wild, electric, sudden, and forever.

Lekshí loved horses. Everyday lekshí carried the same energy, excitement, and mystery as the day the first horse entered the circle and became part of the Lakota Way of Life. There are many variations about the first horse encounter, but all have one thing in common: a genuine respect for the mystery of creation. Lekshí carried that deep respect and understood that the bounty and prosperity of the Lakota Way of Life worked hand in glove with our relationship to the traditional homeland. He was a lifelong cowboy Indian. In service of his love for horses and history, Lekshí was a founding member and longtime president of the North Dakota Cowboy Hall of Fame.

Lekshí loved bison. He was an undaunted advocate of land management and restoration. Lekshí believed that the health of the people was directly tied to the health and stewardship of the land. He recalled the promise of the bison to provide for all the needs of the people and believed in the inherent value of bison as a keystone species; the eternal bison cycle nurtured a healthy landscape and people. Lekshí had a dream of an educational bison management plan, a holistic and ambitious call to a modern yet natural way of life.

Lekshí was a strong voice for education. “School is always in session,” he frequently said. Lekshí was called to a lifetime as an educator. He held administration positions at both United Tribes Technical College and Sinte Gleska University. Lekshí had a shared history and leadership with the American Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC), the National Indian Education Association (NIEA), the National Congress of American Indians, and more.

On Monday, Sept. 25, 2023, the relatives built a fire on the other side and called Lekshí to return and take his place among them. He goes home to a vast open sky filled with unbounded light and joy. He waves his hat in the Enlightening Breath, a wind upon which all life returns, that has carried across creation since the first days. His voice joins a great song sending encouragement from the fires of heaven to the people below.

We may not see you in the here and now, but you are as close as our next breath, as close as our dreams, as close as shadow in the prairie grass, as close as reflection in the water.

Akhé waníyetu ú. Akhé kičhíč’iŋpi kte. Ohómni wótheȟike ečhéča takómni uŋmáčhetkiya yakpáptapi kta héčha. Mitȟákuye Owás’iŋ.

Again, the winter approaches. Again, they will carry each other. Although surrounded by adversity, nonetheless, may you safely emerge on the other side. All my relatives.